The "Flower of Seven Colours" in the town of Marcali

Cultural Diversity: Equal Opportunities?

By: Montserrat Santos
European Journal of Education, Dec99, Vol. 34 Issue 4, p437, 11p

Introduction

This article examines how the Spanish education system has responded to the challenge of integrating the children of immigrants and Gypsies into the education system. It focuses on school-based approaches for children of compulsory school age.

Traditionally, Spain has been a country of emigration. The main destinations were France and Central and South America. The last migration wave was to Germany and other European zones in reconstruction during the 1960s. But this European wave stopped in the early 1970s and, from then on, the number of immigrants began to be greater than that of emigrants. Thus, Spain has moved from tackling the issues concerned with re-integrating emigrants returning home to those concerned with an immigrant population. In parallel to these movements of emigration and immigration, Gypsies form a traditional minority group within the Spanish population, with their own specific cultural and education needs. This article compares and contrasts how the education system has attempted to respond to those needs with how it is dealing with the more recent issues of an immigrant population. It focuses on immigration from developing countries.

In 1981, the immigrant population in Spain was estimated at 180,000 people and its number has continued to increase since. Given that the official figures only included foreigners with an official resident's permit, the figure was probably higher. In 1991, new legislation allowed many people to legalise their situation, thus increasing the official figures by some 100,000 people. According to the latest data, there are 461,354 foreigners with resident's permits. This represents 1.4% of the Spanish population which is, of course, far less than some European Union countries. However, there are many reasons to believe that these figures will continue to increase, given the low birth rate in Spain and the economic differences with the countries more to the South, such as Morocco and Central Africa.

It is important to know the country of origin of the immigrants. Traditionally, they mainly came from highly developed European countries, the US, Japan, Australia and New Zealand. However, in the 1960s, when there was a first increase in the number of immigrants, those from Third World countries grew to reach 30% of the total foreign population. With the legalisation of illegal immigrants in 1991, which only affected those from the Third World, their proportion reached just over half of the resident foreigners. This is still the case at the end of the decade and the article will concentrate mainly on this group.

To these fairly balanced figures between `developed' and `developing' countries can be added a strong concentration by country of origin. Those from the European Union, the UK, Germany, Portugal and France (in that order) represent more than one third of the foreign residents in Spain and 70% of the European residents. Of the Latin American countries, Argentina represents a quarter of the total, followed by Peru, the Dominican Republic, Venezuela, Colombia and Chile. As a total, they represent the three-quarters of the Ibero-American foreigners and 20% of all the foreigners in Spain.
Concerning Africa, 80% come from the Maghreb and, of those, more than 90% come from Morocco. At present, the Moroccans constitute the largest number of immigrants and, in recent years, their number has increased both in numbers and as a proportion of the immigrants. The other African countries that send immigrants are Gambia, Senegal and Equatorial Guinea, in that order. Of the Asians, the main immigrants come from the Philippines, China and India.
One must also take into consideration the regions where they settle. In 1993, 80% lived in six of the 17 autonomous communities: Madrid, Catalunya, Canary Islands, Baleares, Andalucia and Valencia. To be more specific, the immigrant population is concentrated in Madrid (20%) and in Catalunya (20%). These two areas will be examined in more detail below as case-studies of immigration in Spain.

Although the arrival of immigrants from lower socio-economic categories is fairly recent and is concentrated in specific zones, this is clearly becoming a source of preoccupation, relayed by newspapers and a fairly abundant literature on the topic. In recent years, there has also been a growth of organisations that work with immigrants to help them solve their difficulties and combat the intolerance and discrimination they encounter.

The first section of the article will present selected data on immigrants in the Madrid region and in Catalunya in order to set the context in which educational policy has been formulated and implemented. The following section examines the education policies of the Spanish State in relation to immigrant pupils, ethnic minorities and Gypsies. Finally, the last section draws together common social issues facing both groups.

The Context

As said in the introduction, Madrid and Catalunya are the regions with the highest number of immigrants. It is then not surprising that in these two regions, substantial studies have been carried out on immigration and its impact on the school system. In this section, we present selected data concerning immigrants and their representation in the school system in order to clarify the context in which educational policies have been developed and implemented in schools.

The Autonomous Community of Madrid

The Autonomous Community of Madrid has traditionally hosted many migrants who came from other regions of Spain to look for work and better living conditions and who have contributed to the human richness of the Madrid population. As a result, the population increased substantially between the 1950s and 1970s. Between 1960 and 1975, it grew from 2.6 million to 4.3 million people concentrated in a highly urbanised area which includes the city of Madrid and its suburbs and more especially the Southern zone.

In the following years, this trend changed, producing a certain stagnation until the end of the 1980s when a large number of people who were not from the Community of Madrid started to arrive, increasing the annual rate of growth in relation to the rest of the country. However, its incidence on the demographic growth is not very great.
There are not many immigrants in Madrid compared to other European capital cities (where the immigrant population may represent 15% to 20% of the total). It represents 2%.
The Demographic Features of Immigrants in Madrid

The immigrant population in the Community of Madrid represents one-fifth of the immigration in Spain. According to data published by the Padron Municipal de Habitantes, there were 93,610 immigrants in the Community in 1996, of whom 61,322, i.e. 61%, lived in the city of Madrid. This figure has increased considerably if we compare it with the data of the Padron Municipal of 1986 and 1991 when the figures grew to 32,134 and 36,417, respectively. At the same time, there is a high number of unregistered foreigners who, according to a recent study of the Delegacion Diocesana de Migraciones de Madrid, represent some 24,045 immigrants. The highest single national group is represented by the Moroccans, who constitute 11% of the total registered immigrant population. A little over half the immigrants registered in 1996 (32,905) come from developing countries, Latin Americans being the most numerous, followed by Africans, Portuguese and Filipinos. Altogether, some 20% of the total come from other Spanish-speaking countries.

There is a clear link between the country of origin and the type of profession. Those who come from Western Europe, with the exception of Portugal, and those who come from the US occupy high level professions and the size of their population is in relation to the growing internationalisation of the economy and the implantation of foreign companies in Madrid. Those from Eastern Europe, on the other hand, mostly find jobs in the building trade. Those from Morocco mainly find jobs as workers in the service area and in the building trade, as well as in agricultural occupations. The Latin Americans present the most varied picture. Those from Peru, the Dominican Republic and other countries find jobs in hotel and catering and domestic work, whereas those who occupy high level technical and professional posts are Argentinians who came to Spain for political and ideological reasons. One can also find Filipinos in the domestic jobs. Those from China mainly work in hotel and catering. Last, those who come from Sub-Saharan Africa occupy lower positions in the building trade and transport and are also street traders.

The Characteristics of Immigrants in Madrid

In summary, in the last few years, immigration in Madrid has had the following characteristics:
o it is an economic immigration, most people coming to look for work in the service sector;
o it is a young population of working age, with 62.66% between the ages of 20 and 39;
o there are many women, mainly Latin Americans (4 out of 5 come from that region) and Asians who tend to work as domestic employees;
o there has been a great increase in the number of second generation immigrants, due mainly to family groupings, in the last few years. This suggests that they intend to stay for many years;
o there is a tendency for people to concentrate in the same towns and to develop relations and networks with other people from their countries; and
o there are large numbers of Moroccans (12%), Dominicans (6%), Peruvians (10.3%) and Filipinos (4.3%).

Immigrants in the Schools of Madrid

The increase in the number of immigrants in Spain has led to a rapid growth in the number of children of immigrants of school age. This can be seen in the number of foreign pupils in the State schools in Madrid. It will be noted that between 1992 and 1994 there was a very substantial increase (see Table I).

Currently, children of immigrants make up some 2.5% of the pupils in the State and associated schools of the town of Madrid, but within each district their number varies greatly, sometimes reaching 40% of the total. The data refer to the network of State schools, but one should also add the number of foreign pupils in non-registered private schools and in the `national' schools of each country: the German school, the French Lycee, the Italian school, etc. They represent at least 1,000 pupils. It is interesting to note that, according to the 1991 census, the number of school age foreigners who live in Madrid is slightly lower than the number of foreigners registered in the network of private and State schools. This suggests that there are a certain number of children of illegal residents in the State schools. This discrepancy tends to confirm the difficulty of having reliable figures.

Immigrants in Catalunya

According to the Census, there were 15,692 foreigners living in Catalunya in 1960. Of these, 11,743 came from the developed countries of Europe and the US. The rest came from economically disadvantaged countries. Thirty years later, not only has the number of foreigners increased considerably, but their proportion has stabilised and even changed to a majority of people from the poor countries. It is estimated that the real number of foreigners in this region is over 100,000, with an increasing number of Moroccans.

An important factor that should be taken into account is that the demographic growth in Catalunya at present is practically nil, since the number of deaths is the same as the number of births and immigration from other regions of Spain has changed. Hence, the small rise in the population during the year under consideration is entirely due to foreign immigration. Unlike the Autonomous Community of Madrid where 80% of the foreign population is concentrated in the capital, in Catalunya, the foreign population is widely disseminated in the whole of the region and mainly works in agriculture.

Foreign Pupils in Catalunya

According to the data of the Consejeria de Educacion, there were 16,969 pupils registered in the schools and the different levels of education in 1995-1996, distributed as shown in Table II.
As one can see from the table, those from the Maghreb, of whom more than 90% are Moroccans, constitute the largest group--approximately one third of the foreign pupils in Catalunya. One can also see that the number of foreign pupils from the European Union in the different streams of secondary education represents half of those of this origin in the primary schools. With those from the Maghreb, the percentage of pupils in secondary education is only 10% of those in primary education.
Margarita Bartolome (1994) stresses that immigrant school children in Catalunya usually stay within their own minority. Filipino children are those who are the best integrated, whereas Moroccan children tend to be excluded by other groups.

The Educational Policy of the Spanish State in Relation to Immigrants and Ethnic Minorities

The data presented in the above section established the context for an analysis of educational policy. This section will examine policies developed to improve the integration of children of Gypsies and immigrants in schools. It focuses on the immigrants from Third World countries and the minorities, as well as those who have problems integrating into a Spanish cultural environment because of their ethnic group, language or socio-economic background. We shall also take into consideration the Gypsy minority which has more than 100,000 children in Spanish schools. Integrating these children provided the model followed by the Spanish State in relation to immigrants.

Although, at first, it was individuals who immigrated, the immigrants quickly wanted the rest of their family to join them or they created a new family in the town where they settled. Hence, the presence of a school-age immigrant population. Although immigration is a recent phenomenon in Spain, the number of immigrants or children of immigrants has risen rapidly and at present there are some 500,000 foreign pupils in Spanish schools. The fact that it is only since the 1991-1992 academic year that the educational authorities began to collect and publish data on foreign pupils is a good example of how recent the phenomenon is. The educational authorities have had to adopt measures to meet the problems, especially in the public schools, where almost all the immigrants from lower economic backgrounds are concentrated. As in other countries, the measures adopted tended to mirror earlier approaches where attention is given to pupils with specific problems, i.e. immigrant children are essentially treated as having a problem.

In the 1980s, and in parallel with what happened in other countries, to the problem of integrating children with different abilities can be added the problem of socially disadvantaged children, who, although they follow a common education, systematically obtain lower results at school. Hence, `remedial' education was introduced in 1983. This type of education was provided in schools in the disadvantaged and marginal areas of the large cities. It was also provided for members of travelling families and more especially the Gypsies who represent 300,000 people, at least a third of whom are of school age. A persistent problem has been that they receive little schooling and are the object of social exclusion. Hence, when a few years later, the presence of immigrant pupils in certain schools grew, it seemed obvious to the authorities to include them in remedial education.

The Education Reform Act of 1985 (Ley Organica sobre el Derecho a la Educacion (LODE)), which specifies the right to education for all, already referred to foreigners living in Spain, giving them the right to free and compulsory education. It also referred to cultural plurality, the respect of differences and the need to adapt the curriculum to the specific needs of the pupils. These measures were reinforced in the Ley de Ordenacion General del Sistema Educativo (LOGSE) of 1990.
In practice, when a school becomes part of a programme of remedial education, it has one or several extra specialised teachers who are responsible for teaching pupils with special needs for a few hours per week in small groups. In addition, the centre receives additional funds to pay for teaching equipment and other costs. The teachers in these schools take priority for places in in-service training courses and are encouraged to develop innovatory educational projects and other educational research projects.

If schools with a high number of immigrant pupils are easily attributed remedial education programmes it is because their pupils have insufficient or no knowledge of the language of the school (Spanish) and because it is felt that this is the most rapid and efficient way to remedy this deficiency. If these pupils integrate schools in Spain after the compulsory age for entering school, it is likely that they will also fall behind. The teachers of remedial education are supposed, at least in theory, to deal with this also. It is also possible for them to act as agents of intercultural education in the centre or as a contact with the immigrant families or with the bodies that are responsible for the immigrants. However, in practice, their main occupation is teaching the Spanish language.

Multicultural Education

In Spain, the focus on multicultural education is very recent, hardly ten years old. It would be unfair not to recognise the progress of the study of the Gypsy minority by associations and other groups that have worked with great rigour even before the issue of multicultural education arose explicitly. However paradoxical this may seem, one does not know exactly how many foreigners or Gypsies are living in Spain, as there is only information on pupils at school, as we have seen. We shall now analyse the educational situation of the ethnic minorities, beginning with the Gypsies and then the immigrants because, although there are certain common traits, there are also substantial differences.

The Gypsies

Demographic and socio-economic data on the Gypsies are rare and not very recent, since their movements make it almost impossible to count them. In the last 30 years, many have settled down and so they can be documented and have, to a certain degree, become integrated in Spanish life. Yet the research carried out by Jose Manuel Fresno in 1994, based on a mapping of the life of the Spanish Gypsies by the PASS group (1991), shows the lack of regularity in their schooling through a diagnosis of the conditions that determine the success of their schooling.

All the research analysing the situation of the Gypsies in schools for `payos' (the name they give to non-Gypsies) insists on the need for a better understanding of their culture in order to be able to understand their problems. It stresses the importance of knowing their history, their way of life and the socio-economic and work conditions in which they evolve, in short, their marginal position in a society that has always been hostile to them and still is.

The schooling of these children began on a massive scale some 25 years ago with the creation of `bridge schools'. These aimed at preparing them for their incorporation and integration into ordinary schools, although their rejection by the school community because of their special way of life and way of understanding life in many ways made the schooling that was offered them inappropriate. As from 1983, Gypsies integrated remedial education. Although, since then, the number of registered Gypsy pupils has increased considerably, there are many indicators that it has not yet reached the desired level of normalisation. Hence, and despite the efforts of the different education authorities and non-governmental organisations and the progress made over recent years, albeit slow, information is still rather disappointing. This is well illustrated by the problems that define the educational situation of these children: they are early leavers (they begin dropping out of school as early as age 8, but it is mostly between the ages of 11 and 15 that the rates are highest), absenteeism (only 36% go to school on a regular basis), failure at school (80% do not master the basic skills and the pupils are two or more years behind) (Murillo, 1996).

Munoz Sedano (1993) classifies the schooling problems of these children in three categories: culture shock, previous conditioning before entering school, and subsequent problems at school. The greatest problem is the culture shock between two antagonistic cultures, which means that they have contradictory, not to say incompatible, concepts of education. `Society uses school as the sole way of teaching and transmitting its own values, whereas the Gipsy considers that its major role is to teach reading and writing and sees as negative those values it tries to inculcate' (Munoz Sedano, 1993).

As for the conditioning before entering school, he states that it is of two kinds: subjective and objective. Subjective elements would be the rejection of Gypsies by the school community in general and the fact that the fathers are very reluctant to send their children to school. The objective conditioning comprises three aspects: the different linguistic codes used by the school and the Gypsy child, which imply different modes of knowledge, the social and cultural disadvantages, the economic problems of the families and the unhealthy conditions of run-down homes. The problems that arise once these children enter school can be summarised, as above, by three characteristics, i.e. they leave school early, there is great absenteeism and there is a high level of academic failure.

Ethnic Minorities from Other Countries

The schooling of ethnic minorities from other countries has been studied in the Autonomous Community of Madrid and in Catalunya, as we have already seen, but the conclusions resemble those concerning the Gypsies. In addition to the issues discussed above, the main targets of rejection at school are the `moros' (the pejorative name given to people from North Africa) and the Africans.

The social groups that provoke the least racist attitudes are clearly those who are closest to the white population, Western culture and the Christian religion. Thus, attitudes of intolerance towards other European groups have, in fact, decreased considerably. Jose V. Merino (1994) indicates in his research on this theme a series of features of the minority groups that makes people consider them positively or negatively: their work and socio-economic status, the ethnic and cultural differences and their degree of integration.

Research which analyses the educational problems of the children of immigrants agrees on the fact that the massive influx of immigrants in recent years has created a situation that it is very difficult for schools to cope with, due to the lack of resources and, above all, the lack of specific training of the teachers. In the different sectors of education there is general consensus that it is necessary to facilitate the cultural and social insertion of the immigrants, whilst at the same time respecting their identity, i.e. on the basis of the fundamental right to be different. But there is less consensus when it comes to putting this into practice because of the numbers involved and unfortunately one does not always observe positive attitudes towards cultural minorities.

According to the data collected by different studies, most schools and teachers do not take into account the ethnic diversity of their pupils when developing education projects or in classroom practice. Hence the right to be different is still an objective that is far from having been reached. From this point of view, schools in fact tackle the problem of multiculturalism from an assimilationist angle, although they claim to adapt minority cultural groups to the dominant culture (Murillo, 1996), and from a remedial stance insofar as they direct attention to solving concrete learning problems, rather than favouring integration. It should be noted that the educational situation of immigrant children is quite different from that of Gypsy children because, although many also belong to an equally marginalised group from precarious backgrounds, they also present some additional conditioning that does not facilitate their integration at school. In this sense, one must stress the communication problems through a lack of knowledge of the host country's language and the almost always traumatic experience of immigration and uprooting.

So far, we have seen that the presence of immigrant children in the classroom has led to their being considered as `different' pupils, like the Gypsy minority. Hence, they are put in remedial education classes when they cannot integrate the `normal' classes from the outset. Yet in various European countries in the last few years the observation that immigrants present great cultural differences with the society in which they live has led to the conclusion that education must not only try to integrate them, but must also respect their singularity. This is the purpose of multicultural education. In the Spanish educational legislation, this is not recognised as such, but the Ministry of Education has funded the publication of textbooks and equipment for this kind of education.

To complete this description, it should be remembered that the Ministry of Education organises in-service courses for tenured teachers and assistant teachers who teach immigrant children. They aim at the type of multicultural education we have already referred to. Training focuses on the specific problems of these pupils, emphasising the teaching of the Spanish language. Through the CIDE (Centre for Educational Research and Development) the Ministry has also financed research that supports the work in these schools.

Language Studies

One of the main reasons why foreign pupils fail is their lack of knowledge of the Spanish language. Their progress depends on the age at which they start school, the level of interaction with their schoolmates whose first language is Spanish, and the opportunities to use the language. It is more difficult to assimilate those from the communities that are rejected or marginalised at school. It is perhaps one of the aspects which multicultural education should influence. Studies show that people from the Polish community who are not rejected in the schools assimilate the second language without any problem because of their degree of integration, whereas the Moroccans, who are rejected and tend to live amongst themselves have three times as many problems learning Spanish.

As we have already seen, one of the basic aims of remedial education is teaching Spanish to those who need it. But the resources allocated by the Ministry of Education are insufficient at present. The Ministry does not take responsibility for teaching or perfecting the language of origin of the immigrant children. Instead, it has signed agreements with Morocco and Portugal to facilitate this teaching.

The Moroccan Government, in agreement with the Spanish Government, offers courses in Arabic and Moroccan culture to Moroccan children living in Spain. Teaching is carried out either in Spanish schools or in other centres, during and outside school hours. In 1996, there were 46 such centres: 25 in the Madrid area and 16 in the Barcelona area. 20 teachers who are coordinated by an inspector are responsible for these courses, 821 pupils follow them, 357 of whom are girls. Given the demand, there are plans to extend these courses.

The `programme of Portuguese language and culture' for Portuguese immigrants is also the result of an agreement between both countries. It concerns Portuguese pupils who are very numerous in the mining areas of the North and Western parts of the provinces of Leon and in the frontier regions of Andalucia and Extremadura, as well as in Madrid. According to data for the 1992-93 academic year, some 2,000 Portuguese pupils followed the course in 45 schools with Portuguese teachers. In some cases, teaching was offered as complementary classes to the Spanish curriculum, whereas in others it was integrated to the school curriculum and was followed by both Portuguese and Spanish pupils. Generally speaking, these pupils are well integrated in their new environment and have no problems using Spanish as a means of communication. But some 10% of this Portuguese population is of Gypsy origin and, in their case, school integration is more difficult.

In this section, we have presented an analysis of the main aspects of the education policy in relation to immigrant and Gypsy children as defined by the Ministry of Education. Its basic principles can, of course, be applied to the whole of the Spanish State.

Conclusion

Generally speaking, one can say that the needs and problems of those who have trouble in integrating, whatever their origins, are conditioned by similar factors:
o There is a strong need for administrative regulation, as legal instability creates difficult situations for the immigrants and their families, due to their exclusion from the public health and education (at higher levels) or the impossibility to bring their families to Spain.
o One must take into account their social situation. Immigrant families express the need for decent housing, access to health resources, learning of the Spanish language and culture.
o There is a need for specific resources for women, given the growing feminisation of immigration. Women immigrants ask for help because they are isolated or alone, since their families are far away. If they have children who have not reached their majority, these may not receive the attention they should because their mothers have long working hours.
o One of the growing issues is prostitution, which has become more widespread because of the international networks. The presence of immigrant women in prostitution has increased in recent years and has become a major source of income to maintain the family that has stayed in the country of origin. At first, the majority came from Latin America, but today they have been replaced by women from some African countries, such as Nigeria and Liberia, but also from Eastern Europe.
o Special attention is needed for foreign minors, as many have problems in adapting to the Spanish school system, either because they do not speak the language, or because of the differences with the educational system of their countries. Others need special attention because they are not protected. Thus there is an increasing number of young Moroccans aged between 16 and 18 who come alone and without papers to look for work.
o Finally, there are ethnic and xenophobic prejudices in certain sectors of the host society that make relations more difficult and create discrimination in the access to resources.

From our analysis, it is clear that equal opportunities do not exist for immigrants from the Third World countries and the Spanish Gypsies for the reasons we have evoked. Yet it is a positive advance that the educational authorities have become aware that multicultural education can help the integration of groups who are and feel marginalised by their culture. It is not an easy task and the problems cannot be solved immediately. The same phenomenon is taking place all over Europe, but this problem will increase in Spain in the coming years. For the moment, minorities are still in relatively small numbers but immigration is expected to continue to rise.

TABLE I. Foreign Pupils in the State Schools of Madrid

Legend for Chart:
A - Academic Year
B - No. of foreign pupils
C - Variations %

A B C
91-92 2.625
92-93 3.629 + 38,2
93-94 93-94 + 25,8
94-95 4.702 + 3,0

Country of origin of the foreign pupils in the State Schools
of Madrid

Legend for Chart:
B - Country
C - %

A
B
C
1 Morocco 28

2 Peru 11

3
Dominican Republic
7
4 Philippines 7

5 Portugal 6

6 China 6
7 Guinea 3
8 Argentina 2
9 Poland 2
10 Colombia 2
Ecuador 2
Brazil 2
Other countries 23
Source: Ministerio de Educacion y Ciencia (1996).

TABLE II. Foreign Pupils in the Schools of Catalunya

Legend for Chart:

A - Country of origin
B - Pre-primary
C - Primary
D - Secondary
E - Total

A B C D E
European Union 749 2.105 1.016 3.870
Rest of Europe 212 678 362 1.252
Maghreb 1.182 3.655 430 5.277
Rest of Africa 413 363 71 847
North America 123 467 110 810
Central and South America 515 2.441 785 3.751
Asia 329 853 190 1.372

Total 16.969
Source: Consejeria de Educacion (1997).

REFERENCES

BARTOLOME, M. (1994) Diagnostico de las diferencias etnicas y de los procesos desarrollados en la educacion primaria. CIDE, Memoria de investigacion inedita.

CONSEJERIA DE EDUCACION (1997) Estadisticas oficiales sobre alumnos escolarizados en Cataluna. Barcelona.

FRESNO, J.M. (1994) Evaluacion de la incorporacion de los ninos y ninas gitanos a la ensenanza basica. CIDE, Memoria de investigacion inedita.

GRUPO Pass (1991) Mapa de la vivienda gitana en Espana. Informe inedito.

MERINO, J.V. (1994) La Educacion de Ninos inmigrantes extranjeros en los Centros escolares de la Comunidad de Madrid. CIDE, Memoria de investigacion inedita.

MINISTERIO DE EDUCACION Y CIENCIA (1996) Estadisticas oficiales sobre alumnos extranjeros y su escolarizacion en Cataluna y Madrid. Madrid.

MUNOZ, A. (1993) La Educacion multicultural de los ninos gitanos de Madrid. CIDE. Memoria de investigacion (unpublished).

MURILLO, F.J. et al. (1996). La investigacion espanola en educacion intercultural Revista de Educacion, 307, pp. 199-216.
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By Montserrat Santos

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Source: European Journal of Education, Dec99, Vol. 34 Issue 4, p437, 11p.