The "Flower of Seven Colours" in the town of Marcali

The Gandhi Secondary School: An experiment in Roma Education

By Barry Van Driel
Source: European Journal for Intercultural Studies, Volume 10 Number 2 July 1999Taylor & Francis Group
London, New York, Oslo, Philadelphia, Singapore, Stockholm
UK Head Office: 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE

ABSTRACT The Gandhi Secondary School, located in Pécs, Hungary, was, until recently, the only secondary school in Europe devoted to preparing young Roma for higher education. This article discusses the School's origins and philosophy, its curriculum, and its teaching models. There is also a discussion of the reality of life at the school and the various challenges faced by teachers and students.

Background

This article is based on three years of experience, working closely with the Gandhi School, talking to its teachers, its students and some of the parents of the students. It is also based on a number of teacher-training seminars conducted in Central and Eastern Hungary.

The education of Roma youth, and their future in society, has become a major concern of the Roma intellectuals in Hungary at the end of this millennium. Approximately 7% of the Hungarian population are Roma, and this percentage is growing due to significantly higher birth rates. There is distinct population pyramid among the Roma of Hungary, with the large majority of the community being under the age of 20. This also implies that the school age population of Roma is increasing rapidly. Nevertheless, the number of Roma who succeed in the educational system is almost negligible. Statistics from the Hungarian Ministry of Education show that the percentage of Roma that complete secondary school is 0.5% (and 0.01% make it to the university). Most never even make it to the secondary school level (only 40% have finished primary school).

The situation in South-Transnubia, where the Gandhi School is located, is equally a cause for concern. Approximately 60 thousand Beás (who speak a language very close to Romanian) Roma live in this region of Hungary. Unemployment rates are approximately 90%, and illiteracy is widespread. According to information obtained from the school in 1997, there were a total of 12 Beás secondary school graduates in all of Hungary (although the actual number is probably somewhat higher).

Various reasons have been offered for the failure of Roma students in the Hungarian educational system. The main ones include:
1. Distrust by the Roma community towards Hungarian (Gadje) educational institutions. Most memories of school experiences are negative.
2. Lack of faith in traditional education. Parents tend to feel that after a certain age children can learn from the family what is necessary to survive.
3. Fear on the part of parents that their children will become contaminated with the attitudes and culture of the majority.
4. Lack of educated role models, and thus an expectation on the part of the community that Roma can only fulfil certain jobs.
5. Families tend to be large and poor. The children, especially girls, are needed to help out in the family. The boys are needed to earn money and supplement the family income.
6. Traditional expectations on the part of parents that their children will marry and have children at a young age (13-15 years of age), especially the girls.
7. Many young Roma do not speak Hungarian as a first language. This effects their school achievement at a young age.
8. Teacher expectations that Roma pupils are less intelligent than the majority pupils (If a Roma pupil succeeds it is due to luck or cheating; if a Hungarian pupil succeeds it is due to skill)
9. Prejudice and discrimination on the part of teachers and other pupils. Almost all Roma students will have stories of how they felt they were discriminated against in the school class.
10. Early tracking into special education classes and schools, thereby destroying any opportunity for young Roma to have a school career.
11. Culturally-biased tests that work to the disadvantage of Roma children (e.g. standard intelligence tests such as the Wechsler).
12. A curriculum that in no way reflects or the history or culture of the Roma.
13. Teaching methods that put Roma pupils at a disadvantage. Especially traditional methods that demand strong reading and language skills are less appropriate for Roma pupils.
14. Lack of understanding in the part of teachers regarding Roma culture (e.g. the fact that Roma teenagers are considered adults by their communities)

A cursory glance at the long list of factors above indicates that the issue of Roma school failure is a complicated one. Any program with the intention of changing the present scenario significantly has to take all of these factors into account.

An especially powerful factor, in the author's experience, is teacher expectations. During several teacher training workshops conducted in Hungary, Romania and Slovakia, many teachers indicated that they placed Roma students at the back of the room (already at the beginning of the school year) because they knew that they would not pay attention, that they would not enjoy the lessons, would be potentially disruptive, and that they would fail. These assessments were almost exclusively based on the fact that a student was Roma. Consequently, teachers were not disturbed when students stayed away from class, or failed to achieve in class (after all, it was to be expected). It was rare to find a teacher who had ever taken the effort to talk to the parents of Roma students about their academic failure (several teachers expressed that they were frightened of the parents).

It is within this context that the creation of the Gandhi Secondary school needs to be placed. The Gandhi School represents the first school in Europe that focuses on preparing young Roma for a higher education. The creation of the school represents a response to the overall bleak educational prospects of Roma youth in Central and Eastern Europe.

History of the Gandhi School/ Teacher and Student Body

The Gandhi Foundation, which runs the Gandhi Secondary School, was created by Roma intellectuals on April 11, 1992. After certain cities had turned down plans for a Roma secondary school, it was decided to establish the school in Pécs, near the Croatian border. The school opened its doors in 1994, when it admitted it first 50 students into its so-called "0 year".

Since 1994 the School has admitted 50 students a year that it carefully selects. Students from the Transdanubia region are invited, after consulting teachers at primary schools throughout the region about their brightest Roma students, to come to a special summer camp at the school. Parents are often present, since attending the Gandhi School will mean quite a change in family life. Prospective new students are tested in a variety of ways to determine whether they are suited to attend the school. The first cohort that started in 1994 has now entered its fifth year of education. The first graduation class is expected in 2000.

Though many of the students might have failed somewhere along the way in primary school, for the reasons cited above, they tend to be only slightly older than their Hungarian peers at other secondary schools. This is partially because the school makes a special effort to recruit new students who are twelve years of age and have just left primary school (many other Roma education schemes are second chance education).

Since students are recruited from the entire region around Pécs, and transportation is poor in the area, most students reside at the school (approximately 95% at the moment). They return home every other weekend.

The teaching staff at the school is different than at most other schools. Since there is a serious lack of Roma teachers in Hungary, most of the teachers, both past and present, tend to be Hungarian. Nevertheless, In 1998 there were four Roma teachers among a staff of some forty teachers (including principal Janos Bogdan). The presence of a Roma principal and Roma teachers creates a connection to the Roma community that is lacking in almost any other school in Europe.

Teaching Philosophy, Pedagogical Model and Curriculum

As stated in all of its literature, the aim of the school is to establish a secondary school with mainly pupils of Roma origin, and to train Roma intellectuals. Another important aim is to "arouse the children's interest in the past, present, the culture, and the language of their own people"

The school places a strong emphasis on liberal arts education and calls itself a "humanities grammar school". Students, in addition to the standard secondary school curriculum, also learn about Roma history, culture, music, and mythology. Students are also required to learn two Roma languages, Beás and Lovary, although they can choose between these (some take both). The teaching of sociology is meant to give students insight into society in general and Roma society in particular (principal Janos Bogdan is a sociologist).

There are regular field trips to Roma institutions and communities in the area to gain first hand experience of society and communities and how they function.

Small learning groups are intended to improve learning conditions. Class size tends to vary between 10-20 students. Part of this is deliberate, and part is due to the fact that within each cohort more and more students leave the school with each successive year. Nevertheless, it cannot be said that a great deal of innovative teaching takes place. Almost all teachers have had a traditional training and tend to lecture to small groups.

In general, the purpose of the educational program at the school is to teach the students everything they need to succeed in Hungarian society, but also about their own culture. The Gandhi School philosophy is to make the students secure in their Roma identity, and instill a sense of pride in the about their culture. The school hopes that graduates will later return to their communities to help pull them out of poverty and protect their rights.

The curriculum at the Gandhi School reflects the educational philosophy discussed above.

Table 1: Hours devoted each week to subject areas, per year

SUBJECT yr0 yr1 yr2 yr3 yr4 yr5 yr6

1. Hungarian 3 2 1 2 2 1 2
2. Literature 2 3 4 4 4 3 3
3. History 1 2 3 3 3 3 3
4. Mythology/Religion 2
5. Philosophy 2 2
6. Film Studies 2
7. Psychology 1
8. Music 1 1 1 1 1 1
9. Art 1 2 2 1
10. Foreign Language 1 2 5 4 3 2 2
11. Foreign Language 2 1 5 3
12. Information Science/
Computers 15
13. Mathematics 6 3 3 3 3 3 3
14. Physics 1 2 2 2 2
15. Chemistry 2 2 3
16. Biology 1 2 3 2
17. Geography 1 3 2 2
18. Sociology 1 1 2 2
19. Beás language 2 1 1 1 1
20. Gypsy language 2 1 1 1 1
21. Gypsy Culture 1 1 1 1 2
22. Physical Education 3 3 3 2 2 2 2
23. Electives 4 6 8

Table 1 shows that Roma related topics are integrated into the curriculum. What it fails to show is that Roma issues have been inserted into the common curriculum as well. History lessons contain many references to Roma history, for instance.

Some of the major critics of the school complain that the school is exclusively Roma and that the students have become ghettoised. It needs to be reiterated that the school also has non-Roma pupils. Also, several dozen pupils are from mixed backgrounds (where one parent is Roma). Nevertheless, it would take a very progressive Hungarian family to send its child to a school with a Roma inspired curriculum.

The ghettoisation criticism contains an element of truth. The school is located far from the centre of town and functions more as a campus than a school. The students rarely interact with the other residents of Pècs, and their heavy schedule keeps them in the school most of the time.

Life at the school

As mentioned earlier, for most of the students the school functions as a boarding school.
Students tend to get up early in the morning and have class until the mid-afternoon. After this the students are expected to study for several hours (quiet time), until dinner. In the evening students can read, study, listen to music or "hang out". For the most part very few evening activities are organised.

The male-female relations at the school would raise some eyebrows in the West. Whereas students in western nations are having their first boyfriends and girlfriends in secondary school and are experimenting for the first time with relationships, the Gandhi students are much more serious. True to Roma tradition, the students appear to be searching out possible marital partners at this young age. This does not apply to the entire student body, as the next section will explain.

Student Attitudes - a study

In 1997 the author collaborated with several ELTE university students to assess two issues:
1. How the Gandhi students viewed their own and other ethnic groups.
2. The future ambitions of the students

A total of 20 students (of the approximately 100 attending the school at that time) were randomly selected from the student body to participate in a mixed design survey. All students in the survey were Roma. The students were asked to fill out a Bogardus-type social distance scale, indicating to what extent marital partners from different ethnic/national groups were acceptable to them. The groups listed were: Jews, Arabs, Roma, Americans, and Hungarians. Students were also asked what professions they would like to have when they were adults. After the questionnaires had been filled out the students were interviewed about their responses.

The results of the questionnaire were somewhat surprising at face value. Students viewed Arabs and Jews as their least favoured marital partners. Partners from these groups were seen for the most part as "highly undesirable". Roma scored in the middle range of desirability. Hungarians were seen as more favourable and Americans as the most favourable. These results were unexpected to the author because it meant that these students preferred to marry outside of their own ethnic group. They were also surprising because the Anne Frank House had been involved in a highly publicised project at the school that focused on the history of the Holocaust and Anne Frank, who was of course Jewish. The project contained a great deal of information (both inside and outside of the classroom) about the history (especially relating to the Holocaust) of the Roma and Jews. It was anticipated that this would lead to favourable attitudes toward Jews.

The follow-up interviews shed a different light on the issue. The students were not negative towards Arabs and Jews, as such. They were quite sympathetic towards these groups and their history of persecution. Several students mentioned that their own history was one of intense suffering and that they did not want this in their personal lives. They were in school to succeed in life and therefore they preferred marital partners who had a greater chance of success. Hungarians were seen as much more successful than Roma. Americans were considered to be the most successful and powerful, and thus the preferred marital partners. The willingness on the part of these students to eventually marry outside the Roma community is striking.

These findings are reminiscent of the original penis envy argument put forward by early psychoanalysts, who failed to understand that women did not want to be men, but wanted to share in their privileges.

The questions regarding post-school ambitions pointed in the same direction as the earlier indicators. The students, almost without exception, wanted to go on to higher education. Almost half of the students indicated they wanted to become teachers in the future. In the follow-up interviews these students mentioned that they looked up to their teachers as role models. They also pointed to the fact that there are very few Roma teachers in Hungary and that they wanted to help their communities. Other preferred professions were doctors and attorneys. Students mentioned that they were concerned about their communities and wanted to help them. They felt that doctors and attorneys had a contribution to make .

Thus, even though students were inclined to want to marry out of their own ethnic group, they still had a strong commitment to helping their own communities.

Special Projects and International Connections

Given the philosophy of the school and the international attention the school has received, it is not surprising that there are a variety of special projects at the school. There is a hesitancy to become involved in too many projects. Two main reasons are that the traditional training background of the teachers does not prepare them for innovative educational projects and because of the low pay that teachers receive. Low pay is a major problem for teachers throughout Central and Eastern Europe. This has led many teachers to take on second jobs to survive financially (something that was not necessary under the old communist system). Obviously, this does not leave much energy for creative work. In addition, the parents live so far from the school that they do not have the opportunity to get involved school activities (if they would desire to do so).

Nevertheless, there are number of projects that deserve brief mention.

The large number of field trips to Roma institutions and communities creates ties to Hungarian Roma society, and is an important part of the general curriculum. At the end of their studies the students will be experts in Roma language, culture and society.

Each year, towards the end of March, the school holds its so-called "Gandhi Days", it which it shows its wares to the local, national and international community. The students present a variety of projects to the outside world, including art, dance, drama, poetry, etc.

For the past few years the German language students have had the opportunity to visit a sister school in Northern Germany (near Flensburg). The school is populated by Danish speaking students and caters to the needs of the Danish minority in Germany.

More recently, at the beginning of 1999, an English sister school, with a large Asian student body, was found in Hounslow, England (Cranford Community School). Forty students from the English School will travel to Pécs in March 1999 to participate in the Gandhi days. Especially the Asian background (Pakistan and India) of the English students makes the prospect of future co-operative projects between the schools possible.

The author of this article has been involved, through the Anne Frank House, in a long-term, peer education and youth empowerment project at the school. Since 1996 several professional stage directors with educational backgrounds have worked with a varying group of students on drama in education projects. Several of the students have also been trained at the Anna Scher youth theatre in London and at the Royal National Theatre. Well-known British playwright Bernard Kops has been involved in these efforts, including writing a special play (called Cafe Zeitgeist) for the children about the Holocaust of Roma and Jews in Hungary. A cast of Gandhi students has performed this play in various Hungarian cities. In 1998, two students (Laszlo and Szabina, both 15) started their own after-school drama in education club to discuss issues such as AIDS and racism. Laszlo has also worked with children in the Netherlands, despite his young age.

Problems, prospects and challenges

The Gandhi Secondary School clearly offers a supportive environment where young Roma can study without negative teacher expectations and discrimination from outsiders. The parents of the students are also less concerned about alienation, bullying, contamination, etc. Consequently, parents are more willing to support their children's education, even if this means a great deal of separation from the family.

Students can easily recount horror stories of their primary education period, in which teachers and students treated them badly, and contrast this treatment to the support at the Gandhi School. Anita, a 15-year-old student, describes the following situation:
" I have always loved music, reading and poetry. When I was in primary school I wanted to learn how to play the piano. Other kids were allowed to practice, but the teacher wouldn't let me go near it. She just said that I was a Gypsy and therefore should concern myself with other things. To this day I am so saddened and angry that just because I was Gypsy I could not learn how to play the piano. Now things are different of course. People recognise my talent in many areas and I am encouraged to learn."

This is not an uncommon tale among the students. Many will convey that they loved learning but were never truly given the opportunity to reach their full potential in primary school.

Despite its sensitivity to Roma issues, and the major effort to create a supportive community for its mostly Roma students, the school is not without problems.

Some of the more serious students admit quite readily that the school is far from a perfect learning environment.

Gabi, in the fifth year of the school (the graduating class), commented recently that:

"It is tough…some of us really want to work hard, and graduating means a lot to us. There are quite a few students, about half of our initial class, who have left the school for one reason or the other. It doesn't inspire us to see our classmates leave. I think that 20 or 21 of the initial class (which was 50 - author), will actually graduate next year."

Laszlo, now in his third year, is equally critical:

"It is sometimes very difficult to concentrate in class, because so many kids are disruptive. They don't care about what is being taught, and the teachers can hardly deal with these kids. They only reason they are in class is because the school is so cheap. They are smart enough to succeed if they want to, but they would prefer to get married, find work, or something like that. It is not good for me and it is not good for the school. I just hope these unmotivated students leave school so that the rest of us can learn"

These comments touch upon some of the internal problems that the school has to cope with.

Many children at the school have difficulties at home that make their academic success difficult. Though most parents tend to be proud of their children they also express concerns about their children's schooling. By staying in school the children are being exposed to information and attitudes that are alien to the parents. They have a difficult time understanding some of the ambitions and ideas of their children.

Traditionally, Roma in Hungary will marry at around age 14 and have a first child before age 16. The communities that the Gandhi students come from still clearly embrace this view. Staying at the Gandhi School past 16, unmarried and childless, by definition makes these children deviants in their communities.

The school has a very, sometimes criticised, strict code regarding pregnancies. Any girl who becomes pregnant, or boy who gets a girl pregnant, has to leave the school. Perhaps because of this policy there have not been many cases in which students have had to leave school for this reason. However, recently, as the older cohorts move towards graduation, some pregnancies have occurred.

Other issues that clearly effect the success of Gandhi students are the relatively large number of families where alcoholism, physical abuse and mental abuse, and imprisonment of family members take their toll.

Because so many Roma families are poor there is pressure especially on the male children to help support the family financially. In conversations with parents of some of the boys attending the Gandhi School they have expressed discomfort with the fact that if their sons would go on to the University, they would delay making money for another ten years.

The SOROS Foundation in Hungary has instituted a mentor program that might prove to be quite effective in assuaging the fear of some parents that their families (through the school attendance of their children) are losing earning power. The program encourages teachers to become mentors of Roma high school students by giving them extra attention at school and in their private lives. Students receive 5,000 HUF (appr. 20 Euro) per month for their participation and teachers 3,000 HUF (appr. 12 Euro). In 1997 a total of 471 mentor-student pairs received funding. Quite a few of these were Gandhi mentor-student pairs. It should not be underestimated what 5,000 HUF per month can mean to a poor family in Hungary.

Several families have pulled their children from the school because they see them so rarely. Roma families tend to be close-knit, and seeing their children every other weekend is too much of a sacrifice for some parents. This is perhaps the main reason why with each passing year, the cohort decreases in size. Various students have been removed by their parents, and now attend "Hungarian" secondary schools closer to home.

As mentioned, one of the goals of the school is to encourage future graduates to return to their communities. Though there is a strong commitment to these communities on the part of the students, it is easy to see how it will difficult for many to return to places that are sometimes plagued by 100% unemployment.

Another problem is teacher retention. The demands placed on teachers at the Gandhi School are higher than most secondary schools, yet the salaries are the same (very low). Teachers are expected to not only function as teachers, but to spend a good deal of time as mentors and even fulfill some family roles for the students. This added burden has proved to be too much for some teachers. In 1998, for instance, both of the school's English teachers resigned.

Perhaps the most difficult challenge for the school in the years ahead is to get over the tragedies that have affected the school in recent years. In 1997 the assistant principal of the school was killed in a car crash. During the summer of 1998 two of the school's brightest students drowned during a visit to the sister school in Northern Germany. Teachers and fellow students watched powerlessly as the boys drowned in the waves. The most recent tragedy occurred while this article was being written: Principal Janos Bogdan was killed when his car spun out of control on an icy road in January 1999.

Summary and Conclusions

The Gandhi Secondary School represents perhaps the most unique experiment in Roma education in Europe. Its philosophy, to create a Roma elite and to prepare young Roma for higher education, seems to be partially succeeding. Though about half of the students will probably not graduate, the anticipated 50% graduation rate is a major improvement compared to graduation rates elsewhere. One needs to consider those students as well who have gone to other secondary schools.

Since the Gandhi School is the only school of its kind (though the new school in the Czech Republic should be watched carefully) the school is scrutinised carefully. This places a considerable burden on all involved to succeed. It is already clear that the students have become much more ambitious than their peers in the Roma community. Many expect to attend the university. This is a first sign that the school might accomplish some of its objectives.

It will be interesting to see whether the Gandhi School experiment will be repeated elsewhere in Hungary or in the rest of Central and Eastern Europe.

Address for correspondence:

Barry van Driel
Anne Frank House
P.O. Box 730
1000AS Amsterdam
Email: barry@distanttrain.com