Roma in the Educational System of Bulgaria - a Problem Analysis

By Jennifer Tanaka

Editing and contributions by Christina McDonald

Prepared by the Institute for Educational Policy, Open Society Institute - Budapest, May 2000

FOREWORD
This document was originally prepared for the Open Society Foundation - Sofia, with the assistance of the Institute for Educational Policy, OSI-Budapest, as a problem analysis upon which the Foundation could base its strategy in education with particular attention to equity. The intent was not to focus on international or national legislation, but to reveal and understand the barriers in the education system, and society, which hinder Roma children from having equal access to education. An understanding of these barriers will ultimately help to design appropriate strategies to counter them.
The document was presented to the Open Society Foundation - Sofia's Education Board and Roma Board for review in May 2000. It was later decided to develop this work further for publication to a wider audience.
Unlike many reports, this one does not provide recommendations. The Open Society Institute-Budapest is currently overseeing a research project on select education programs in the region of Central-Eastern Europe. The results of this research will help guide strategic directions in the future for the Soros Foundations wishing to support equity in education for Roma. Recommendations to the Open Society Foundation - Sofia, and to other Soros Foundations, will be made upon completion of this research.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Jennifer Tanaka prepared this report for the Institute for Educational Policy, OSI-Budapest. Contributions and editing by Christina McDonald, IEP, OSI-Budapest.

IEP would like to thank the following people for their time, effort and help in the preparation of this report:

Roma and non-Roma educators and NGO workers in Bulgaria.

IEP staff, who acted as internal reviewers

Savelina Danova and UNICEF - Bulgaria who acted as external reviewers and whose insight helped refine the material.

Nikolay Kirilov, who arranged all local meetings during the field research and provided important background information.

I. INTRODUCTION
I.1. Note on Methodology and Organization of the Report

In preparing this report, written information was collected from various sources, including NGOs, the Internet, governmental and intergovernmental organizations, and documents which the author and the IEP already possessed. After extracting the relevant information, and organizing it into the format of the problem analysis outline (see annex), a one-week field research to Bulgaria was arranged, with the assistance of Romani community leader Nikolay Kirilov from Lom.

Meetings on current needs with School Directors, teachers, NGO community workers, local and regional authorities, and visits to schools and classrooms took place in the counties of Montana (Montana city and the town of Lom), Vidin (Vidin city), Kurdjali (Kurdjali city), and Sofia ("Fakulteta" district). Visits to NGOs working with local Romani communities in the villages of Valchedram and Biala Slatina were also made, though schools were not visited as it was a Saturday. For the most part, Romani neighborhood schools were visited, but some ethnic Bulgarian and mixed schools were also included for comparative purposes, while one "special school" in Vidin was also visited.

Upon returning, the current report was prepared, on the basis of the first draft and information from the field research. The report starts with some brief background information on the present-day situation of schooling and education of Roma, followed by contextual information on relevant legislation and the education system in Bulgaria. Next, the profile of schools in terms of location, ethnic composition and general standards are outlined, and data on the achievement levels and trends of Roma in the educational system is presented. Following this, there is a short section on the discriminatory attitudes, deliberate segregation and exclusion confronting Roma in education and schooling. Section III points out some specific issues and needs for improving the education and schooling Roma, and Section IV outlines the governmental plans in the field of education and Roma, in the context of its global policy on Roma. The report ends with a brief note section on donor programs concerning education and Roma, the concluding remarks and a data sheet concerning education and Roma.

Annexed to the report is a list of Bulgarian organizations, currently engaged in activities concerning the education and schooling of Roma, a map showing the religious make-up of selected Romani communities throughout Bulgaria (Tomova, IMIR, 1995), and the agenda of the field visit.

I.2. Brief background and History of Roma and the Educational Process in Bulgaria

As in other countries, the Roma of Bulgaria are a diverse ethnic group, with different sub-group dialects of the Romani language, traditional heritage and degrees of integration and assimilation. Likewise, general anti-Roma sentiments lead to negative stereotyping in the mass media, anti-Roma violence, police abuses, and other forms of discrimination and exclusion in public life. In the typical Romani neighborhood ("mahala"), situated toward the outskirts of cities, towns and villages all over the country, unemployment is extremely high, educational achievement levels are low, housing conditions are usually inadequate, chronic health problems exist, public services may not operate regularly, and the neighborhood schools look more like prisons rather than a place for personal development.

In May 1992 a census carried out by the regional offices of the Ministry of Internal affairs put the total population of Bulgaria at 8,487,317, out of which 533,466 or 6.45% of the total population identified themselves as "Tsigani" (Roma). Like other countries in the region, the official census figure is generally regarded as well below the actual number of Roma. This is, in part, due to the negative image of Roma in the country, and the preference to declare oneself as a member of the majority population - "Bulgarian", or in this case the Turkish minority as well. Indeed there are Roma who speak the Turkish language and identify as Turks, especially in regions with a high Turkish minority. Relations with other "Roma" can be strained, including relations amongst students in the schools with these mixed groups. Leading sociologists and Romani activists generally estimate the actual Romani population to be from 700,000 to 800,000, or about 9% of the total population.

The Roma are dispersed throughout the territory of Bulgaria. A map of the locations included in a sociological study concerning Roma in Bulgaria gives a picture of how well dispersed the Roma are throughout the country. The map also provides a religious profile of communities, whether Christian, Moslem, or mixed. (see annex 2) Larger cities such as Sofia, Plovdiv, Burgas, St. Zagora, Sliven, Yambol, and Lom have the largest and most densely populated Roma settlments. For the most part, Roma live in the ghetto sections of these towns.

The reality of Roma populations in any country is that the diversity that exists between groups of Roma makes categorizing very difficult. For the sake of trying to make some understanding, however, of the Roma populations in Bulgaria, this report will describe three general categories, though perhaps arbitrary: traditional Romani families, non-traditional Romani families, and Roma who are currently falling or have fallen into anomie.

Traditional Roma families are those who still speak the Romany language, who have perhaps continued in the age-old occupation historically associated with their group, and who might still dress according to their ethnic costume. Non-traditional Roma families are those who have assimilated more into Bulgarian culture. They may have shifted their language to Bulgarian (or often times, the older generation will speak Romanes, and the younger generation the dominant language. Their clothing does not necesarilly mark them ethnically. Anomie is a sociological term that is defined as, "the loss of one's own culture, ethnic characteristics, and moral principles, without accepting new ones to replace them" (UNICEF, 1992 in Nunev, 1998: 18). Those Roma groups who fall into this category are usually the poorest and exist on the margins of society.

One can also say that in each of the Roma groups (kaldaras, rudar, basket-knitters, etc.), however, representatives of the above three categories can be found. Moreover, these categories also apply to the majority population.

Some sociologists have stated that in traditional Roma families, education does not form a priority in their value system, and an early abandonment of schooling may, in part, be attributed to the need to help the family earn income, or to early marriages. For non-traditional Roma, who constitute a very small proportion of Roma, education may be expected to have a higher value, as it does for the majority population (Nunev, 1998: 18).

Those in the process of anomie, who are also referred to as the most marginalized, are in a difficult situation, and warrant particular attention. This group appears to represent a high percentage of the Roma who either have high absenteeism or do not attend school at all. This group also has more serious health problems and lives in extremely impoverished conditions. Based on a 1994 representative study, the percentage of Roma in this category was estimated to be 15-20%, with variations from one settlement, region and sub-group to another (Tomova, 1995: 31).

With respect to education categorisation of Roma may be misleading because the problem is not with the traditional Roma or with the Roma who fell in anomie, but with the overwhelming part of the Roma community (which is neither traditional nor in anomie), which faces problems in education resulting from poor motivation and lack of means.

It should be noted, however, that an oversimplified and over generalized assessment of the value attributed to education by each of these groups may produce an irrelevant picture of the Roma vis-à-vis the educational system.

For persons who belong to the anomie group, ghetto life and the effects of past assimilation policies have resulted in creating persons who typically do not see themselves as equal citizens or as having equal rights, and where "the abandoned cultural values may also be accompanied by other problems such as a missing family member, conflict between generations, lack of family business income, or divorced parents" (Nunev, 1998: 28). Other problematic side effects of the socio-economic transition in Bulgaria may be found amongst these families including "unemployment, alcoholism, prostitution, drug abuse amongst youth, vagrancy, theft, beggary, waste food collection, lack of interest in education as a value" (Nunev, 1998: 28).

The extreme marginalization of this group, "from nowhere" or belonging to "no one" was discussed amongst Romani women in the region, who stressed the particularly vulnerable situation of women in these conditions (ARW, 1999: 4).

In Bulgaria in the 1950's a policy of forced settlement of nomadic and semi-nomadic Roma was accompanied by attempts by the Communist Party to increase the schooling of Roma. Today the Roma population is still settled, though some families and persons migrate within Bulgaria for seasonal labor opportunities.

During that time, a number of new schools were built in Romani settlements, and results were generally viewed as having a positive impact on the literacy of Roma. However, by the mid-1960's and onward, the quality in these Romani neighborhood schools declined. Many Roma attended irregularly or dropped out, and a number of schools adopted an increased focus on vocational skills, replacing courses such as Bulgarian language, mathematics, foreign languages, natural sciences, etc. The quality of education in these schools did not prepare students for advancement on to higher levels of education (Tomova, 1995, p. 58).

The legacy of these schools with an emphasis on low level vocational training still exists today (This is discussed in more detail later in section II Situation of Roma and Schooling - General Trends). In 1991, the Bulgarian Ministry of Education and Science registered 31 such schools with a vocational emphasis, where some 17,800 students attended. In addition, there were another 77 schools that the former Communist Party labeled as schools "for children with a lower lifestyle and culture" (SC, 2000: 61). In 1992, the Ministry of Education declared that this lower standard curriculum with a vocational emphasis should be replaced with the national curriculum of normal schools. However, it is generally agreed that "the educational environment remained unchanged, and determines the lower quality of education in these schools today" (SC, 2000: 61).

In addition to lower level vocational schools, inequity in quality of education and schooling also exists in the separate Romani neighborhoods. Separated Roma neighborhoods, and schools within them, continue to serve as an invisible wall between the Roma and ethnic Bulgarians. For example, a Romani organization working in the "Fakulteta" district of Sofia, a neighborhood that is predominantly Roma, said that few of its 35,000 inhabitants ever leave the district, and some only as often as 1 or 2 times per year. Similarly, while in Sofia, the taxi driver was hesitant to drive researchers to the "Fakulteta" district, stating that he does not usually go to that area.

I.3. Profile of the Education System in Bulgaria
I.3.1. Legal Provisions

The Bulgarian Constitution states that "education for all children under the age of sixteen is compulsory, as is the right to free elementary and secondary education" (Art. 53). The basic issues concerning education in Bulgaria are set out in the Public Education Act, first adopted in 1991. In 1998, it was stipulated in the Public Education Act that basic education of 8 years is the minimum necessary knowledge, and pupils who fail to complete 8 years and are 13 years old should be enrolled in vocational classes (UNESCO, 2000: Pt. I).

Citizens are entitled to select the school and type of training according to their personal preferences and means. The Public Education Act ensures the conditions and guarantees equal rights for all children to receive education, and provides possibilities for their further development and accomplishment of a high level of knowledge in the system of secondary education.

In 1999, the National Assembly adopted the Level of Education, General Education Minimum and Curriculum Act (State Gazette, issue 67 of July 27, 1999). The Act aims to implement a common minimum of education for all students that shall guarantee the equivalent of the documents for a completed grade, stage and degree, as well as possibilities to move from one type of school to another. Based on this document, two public general education requirements will be changed: study content and grading system requirements (UNESC0, 2000: Pt. 1).

The Bulgarian language, as the official language of the Republic, will ensure that its
"study and use [of the Bulgarian language] shall be the right and obligation of every Bulgarian citizen". For pupils from minority groups and with a mother tongue other than Bulgarian, conditions for study of their mother tongue, in addition to Bulgarian, are to be secured in the municipal schools under the protection and control of the state (Law on Public Education. Art. 8, par. 1.2). In 1994, the study of the mother tongue became a "mandatory elective" with a view to include all stages of education after the respective laws and curricula have been approved.

While Romani language has been taught in connection with some NGO initiatives with local schools, Romani language is not offered in the universities. There has been some controversy over a supposed government-formulated need to have a standardized Romani language before introducing it formally into the educational system. According to some experts, however, the government never officially formulated the need for standardization of the Romani language. Some officials might have referred to the fact that the Romani language is not standardized simply to give an argument for their reluctance to introduce/support the study of Romani language at school. The key issue is certainly not the fact that the language is not standardized. The government has never opted for a policy of encouraging the teaching of Romani language that includes teacher training, development of textbooks, etc. Currently, efforts toward developing a standardized Romani language are being made by Romani expert Iossiv Nunev, with initial support from the Open Society Fund in Bulgaria.

Regarding minority policies, it should be noted that "No restrictions or privileges based on race, nationality, gender, ethnic or social origin, faith and social status are admissible" (Bulgarian Constitution, Art. 6, par. 2). However, in 1992, the legal basis for social-based affirmative action was created with the Constitutional Court's ruling that there may be "certain socially justified privileges for "groups of citizens" who are in "an unfavorable social situation" (SC, 2000: 54, 63).

There is also a National Program for the Education of Adults. This program's main objective is the formation of a national system of adult education. The basic goals of the Program include: adjusting the education for adults to the social and economic reforms in the country, improving access of adults to various types of education and training, the elaboration of needed legal provisions (UNESCO, 2000. Pt. 1).

As highlighted by the existing problems outlined in this report, there is a gap between the standards and rights set forth in existing legislation and the current schooling conditions and educational opportunities of the majority of Roma pupils in Bulgaria. In many cases, it may be said that there is a lack of appropriate mechanisms and institutional arrangements to implement these provisions, coupled with insufficient political will and the difficulties relating to the crisis of the Bulgarian economy.

I.3.2. Structure of the Educational System in Bulgaria

Pre-school (Kindergarten) is for children from two to six or seven years of age. Local governments fund over 95% of kindergartens, though a private sector is developing. Most Bulgarian families send their children to Kindergarten (SC, 2000:58). The rate of kindergarten fees is determined by the local government councils, according to the Local Taxes and Fees Act, (UNESCO, 2000), where lower-income families should pay lower fees (SC, 2000:58). One of the reasons for Roma's low representation in Kindergarten is the need to pay such fees.
For example, social assistance in the town of Lom is about 30 BGL (or 30 DEM) per month, plus 10 BGL per child. The kindergarten tax is 13 BGL. For families living on social assistance, this kindergarten fee would represent almost 33% of their monthly income.

General education (basic early primary education, grades 1-4, and pre-secondary education grades 5-8) begins when a child is six or seven years and is completed without examinations (SC, 2000:58). In a sociological survey carried out in 206 compact Romani neighborhoods in towns and villages, it was concluded that the average age for starting school is often 8-9 years (Tomova, 1995: 60). School Directors also mentioned that they have some students in the 1st grade level who should be in the 4th grade level.

Certificates for general education are issued based on scores in the subjects included in the school's plan of study (SC, 2000:58). In regular primary schools there are no entrance exams. However, in profile-oriented primary schools, such as those with a foreign language or music and arts profile, students are required to pass an entrance exam. Romani representation in these schools is practically null, as they lack sufficient preparation to pass entrance exams along with the necessary parent income to cover the costs of schoolbooks and materials needed for the classes.

Secondary education is from 9th to 11th, 12th or 13th grade, depending on the type of school and course programs offered. Minimally, the 11th grade must be completed for matriculation. Secondary education diplomas may be obtained at: 1) general comprehensive education schools, 2) specialized, profile-oriented schools, and 3) vocational, technical schools.

Comprehensive secondary schools may range from Grade 9 to Grade 11, 12 or 13, again, depending on the type of school and course programs offered. The profile-oriented secondary schools are from 9th to 12th grade. There, one may specialize in natural sciences and mathematics, the humanities, sports, arts, etc. Schools with intensive foreign language instruction are from 8th to 12th grade (SC, 2000: 58, UNESCO, 2000, pt. I).

Structural changes within the secondary school system have influenced the number of non-specialized secondary schools to greatly decrease, while the total number of specialized schools has increased (Savova, 1996).

Secondary vocational education includes 4-year schools from 9th to 12th grades; technical schools from 8th to 12th grade with intensive foreign language studies, and secondary vocational and technical schools from the 9th to 11th grade (SC, 2000:58). These vocational schools have a normal matriculation process.

In the above institutions, a diploma is awarded after passing the matriculation exams, which entitle the student to continue on to higher education.

It should be noted that the vocational schools mentioned in this section differ from those mentioned earlier. The former can be found in Romani neighborhoods and replace general courses with some vocational training with the perspective that the students will not continue their education. Though theoretically students should be able to continue after completing such schools, practically, they have received a lower level of education than in other schools, which makes it extremely difficult to integrate upon completion to "normal" schools.
I.3.3. Administrative Structure:

Formal education is still centralized under the Ministry of Education and Science. Regional Inspectorates carry out the state management of education. The country is divided into nine districts, and 28 regional structures operate in the major cities. The Regional Inspectorates are responsible for permanent inspection of schools to ensure that state requirements are met, and have the right to take decisions on a range of issues regarding local specifics of the region. For the opening, restructuring or closure of schools, they may make recommendations, though the actual decision is to be taken by the Minister of Education. The Regional Inspectorates are directly subordinated to the Ministry of Education, just as school management bodies are directly subordinated to the Inspectorates (Savova, 1996 ).

The municipalities (local governments) are not directly engaged in the management of the educational system, though they are responsible for about 50% of the schools budgets (Savova, 1996). Municipalities are also responsible for controlling compulsory education, and to prevent non-enrollment and dropouts (UNESCO, 2000: pt. I).

Each school is represented as a legal entity by a school head (Director), who is appointed by the Minister of Education on a competitive basis and is directly subordinated to the Minister. The head reports on his or her activities to the Teachers' Council, the School Board, and to the Minister. The Teachers' Council and School Board are collective managerial bodies of the school. The Teachers' Council includes all members of the teaching staff, and its decisions are binding for the school, canceled only by a qualified majority of the Council itself, or by the Minister of Education. The School Board is a consultative body, which includes teachers, parents, pupils and representatives of the community. It meets to discuss reports, projects and other documents and makes proposals regarding the development and activities of the school (Savova, 1996). In some education projects of NGOs, efforts have been made to involve these school boards, including the participation of Roma.

Currently, the reforms in the context of overall decentralization efforts include plans to further decentralize the system, where greater authority will be given to the Regional Inspectorates and to the School Directors.

I.3.4. Financing

The financing of schools for children with special education needs and most vocational schools is carried out from the state budget by the Ministry of Education,. The rest of the schools are funded by the local municipality, and form the core of the education system (Savova, 1996).

The Ministry of Education is to determine the annual allowance of every school, according to the state education requirements, and the level of education, type of school and living conditions in the region. Therefore, the budget for the whole educational system and for each school would be determined by multiplying this figure by the number of students (UNESCO, 2000: pt. I). However, the UNESCO document, prepared by the National Institute for Education at the Ministry of Education and Science, notes that the budget is not yet determined this way, though no other explanation is given.

Budget expenses for education are allocated out into items of expenditure. According to the Budget Law, primary importance is paid to expenditure on salaries and social security rather than on repairs and new buildings, canteen overheads, medical insurance, textbooks, etc. Since 1989 the resources allocated for education have been chronically short (Savova, 1996). From 1992 to 1997, the share of the GDP allocated for education dropped from 6,06% to 3,2%, which according to the National Institute for Education, is due to the difficulties of the Bulgarian economy (UNESCO, 2000: Pt. II).

In the context of overall measures to decentralize the system, the local municipalities are to retain more of the local taxes collected with which they would also be expected to cover a higher percentage of the local school costs. Municipalities are expected to cover, "health care and security in kindergartens and schools; funds for support, building, equipment and repair works of schools and kindergartens; funds for implementation of state educational requirements . . . as well as funding on all sections of the curriculum of the municipal kindergartens, schools and servicing units; conditions for canteens, hostels, recreation and sports facilities and transportation for children, pupils and teachers; scholarships and specific aid for pupils" (UNESCO, 2000: Pt. I) . Furthermore, municipalities are expected to ensure the compulsory attendance of students to school and the administration of sanctions if not respected

In the town of Lom, it was explained that the budget for schools is comprised of 49% local tax revenues, and 51% from the central government budget. Of the total 2 million BGL (1 DEM = 1 BGL) annual budget for all schools in Lom, the government is currently faced with a 1 million BGL deficit. It has been noted that "decentralization, whilst it has the advantage of more local, community control, nevertheless puts extra strain on poor communities who are required to match or contribute to central funds through local taxation" (Penn, 1999: 5). Furthermore, those schools with students coming from working families have managed to attract more resources through parent contributions and good connections with funders, and are able to provide extra lessons and support to pupils. Therefore, "schools are not resourced equally, and non-working parents would have difficulty meeting fees or providing suitable school clothing or textbooks and learning materials" (Penn, 1999: 5-6).

In most of the schools visited, especially Romani neighborhood schools, little to no funding remained after the payment of salaries. Therefore, the schools have remained without repairs, textbooks are scarce and there are insufficient pedagogic materials. In one Romani neighborhood school, the Director said that they did not even have money for chalk this year, while no repairs had been carried out since 1992. These dynamics contribute to the depressing appearance and the lower quality education provided for these schools.

The contrasting appearances of the run-down Romani neighborhood schools and the Bulgarian schools, especially the "elite" schools, in the centers of towns raises the question as to how schools come to have different amounts of resources for such works? According to one Romani community leader, this is a form of discrimination. The practice is that the local governments allocate money for repairs to the schools situated in the center of town, and by the time they arrive to the Romani neighborhood schools, typically located toward the outskirts, there are no more funds.

By decision of the College of the Ministry of Education and Science, from the 1999-2000 school year, textbooks will no longer be provided from the 1st to the 8th grade, free of charge, but for the 1st grade only. A special library fund is to be established from the available textbooks, which may be used by poor families, as determined by the Ministry of Labor and Social Policy (UNESCO, 2000: Pt. I). In the Romani neighborhood schools, a lack of funding for textbooks was expressed as one extreme difficulty, contributing to a lower educational standard in these schools.

For the "elite" foreign language schools, it was explained that parents have to buy the textbooks, where one of the books costs about 40 BGL. Without a certain economic standing or special subsidies, it would not be possible for poor and low-income families to buy the necessary textbooks and materials to participate in these schools.

II. SITUATION OF ROMA AND SCHOOLING - General Trends
II.1. Profile of Schools

This report will refer to four types of schools that can be identified in Bulgaria. These are not official references, but used for the purpose of this report: 1) "Romani neighborhood schools" 2) "mixed schools" 3) predominantly "ethnic Bulgarian schools" 4) "Special school" for children with special needs.
II.1.1. "Romani Neighborhood School"

A "Romani neighborhood school" is one that is usually situated in or near the Romani quarter of cities and towns, and attended predominantly by Romani students. Romani neighborhood schools may be general education primary schools (1st to 4th grade or 1st to 8th grade) and some may be comprehensive schools (1st to the 11th grade). For the primary and pre-secondary level schools, the students are to continue their secondary education in another school, usually located more toward the center of the town and attended by other non-Romani students from the respective locality. The general appearance of the Romani neighborhood school is an old, run-down building, often with barbed wire on the windows, broken windows, paint pealing off the walls, and classrooms with little decoration and facilities. Some of the schools have their toilets located in a small cement structure away from the main building, which can also be used by other members of the community. An estimated 70% of the total Roma population have attended or do attend these "local" schools.

Teachers in Romani neighborhood schools are noted to experience higher levels of distress, and turnovers are high (Tomova, 1995, p. 62). Enthusiasm and motivation is stifled by the high truancy, lack of parent interest, poor working conditions and low salaries. Also, "it is an unspoken rule that the least qualified teachers inevitably get posted to such schools" (Vassileva, ERRC, 1998).

Emphasis should be made here that lack of preliminary preparation to work with minority children and lack of motivation of the teachers in the Romani schools is due, largely, to widely held negative prejudices. This, in turn, may largely contribute to the poor scholastic achievement of the Romani pupils as well as to their low level of attendance of school.

The Romani neighborhood schools are general schools, rather than profile-oriented, and it is not uncommon that these schools offer a limited curricula, coupled with a focus on vocational training in the latter years. In reality, this offer inhibits further continuation of the students' education owing to the lower level of education received.

Some Romani parents have expressed an interest in their children receiving this vocational replacement of normal studies. Some attribute this desire to chronic economic difficulties and low self-esteem of parents in the ghettos, but also to manipulation by the school administration to maintain their teaching staff (Nunev, 1998: 15). There is no official record of the number of schools still practicing this policy, inherited from the former Communist times.

According to former Romani teacher and current governmental expert, Iossif Nunev, significant improvements in the education of Roma cannot take place without breaking the family-neighborhood-school circle of the Romani ghetto life. This is especially the case for those families described as having fallen into anomie, living in depressing and substandard living conditions, and who do not set high and challenging objectives for themselves. Nunev says, "The terrible poverty and the anomie of Romani families are real facts. The circle is closed by the schools for Romani children" (Nunev, 1998: 29, 22).

A lack of positive goals, motivation and interest concerning school can be expected when the children come from families who suffer chronic food shortages, overcrowded living quarters, streets filled with trash, and lack of electricity and water supply (Nunev, 1998: 21). Health problems contributing to irregular school attendance and abandonment are also a natural consequence of such living conditions. A number of school Directors and teachers stated that many of the children are absent owing to health problems, and they are regularly confronted with children who openly complain of hunger.

Overall, many Romani children have a more narrow experience in the context of the predominantly family focused environment, including a lack of preparation for mental efforts of schooling. Socialization therefore is slower and more difficult, especially given that attitudes for intellectual efforts are not developed in kindergarten and pre-school, and the schooling experience itself remains within the Romani neighborhood environment (Nunev, 1998: 21).

At the same time, it must be recognized that the family ties and relations are an essential traditional Romani value, with a historically rooted function in preserving Romani culture and identify, while compensating for the weakened recognition of Roma by the state and society (Nunev, 1998: 26).

II.1.2. "Mixed Schools", Segregated Classes

Roma can also be found in schools with other ethnic Bulgarians, referred to in this report as "mixed schools". Mixed schools can be both primary and pre-secondary/secondary. Such schools can be found in small villages with fewer schools, and on the borderline areas between the Roma neighborhood and non-Roma streets in towns. Mixed schools are mostly general schools, with better physical conditions than the average Romani neighborhood school, and with a quality of education that could provide for continuation onto higher education. This, however, does not appear to be in the future for most Roma students. In one mixed school from 1st to 8th grade, Roma comprise about 30% of the student body. The school Director explained that the Bulgarian students transfer to high school after the 7th or 8th grade, while over 90% of the Roma students stay an extra year in order to receive the 8th grade diploma, as they do not plan to continue their education.

It has also been reported that Roma students are segregated into "Roma classes" within the mixed schools. This can happen through School Administration decisions, when the number of students in a particular grade level requires the formation of another class, and where the Roma students are placed. In a discussion with a local Romani leader, it was also stated that the Roma students in the local school are always placed in the Russian language class, while the Bulgarian students are placed in the English language class.

As segregated classes do not officially exist, there is no figure on the extent of this problem, though recognition of their existence is made in the context of the governmental policy on Roma (See section IV).

II.1.3. "Ethnic Bulgarian Schools"

In the "ethnic Bulgarian schools", there are usually no Romani students, or perhaps a few who come from well integrated families, most likely living outside of the Romani neighborhood. As noted earlier, there is an increasing trend in the Bulgarian education system for profile-oriented schools, either beginning from the primary level or at the pre-secondary level. From outside ethnic Bulgarian schools appear to be, generally, in better condition, and the families are expected to provide support for the specialized textbooks required for the classes. In the towns visited, there was always one "elite" school, or the "best" school, usually specialized in foreign languages. Upon visiting some of these schools it may be said that, contrary to the Romani neighborhood schools, the buildings were in good condition, rooms were more spacious, better lit, plants were abundant, pictures were on the walls, and a lot of books were on the desks of the students.

II.1.4. "Special Schools"

The over-representation of Roma in so-called "special schools" for children with physical and mental disabilities is a relatively well-known problem in Bulgaria, though there have been no significant efforts to halt current practices. For a number of years, it has been observed that the decrease in state subsidies for school-age children was accompanied with a rise in the proportion of Romani children in special schools, where about 1 out of every 3 students was of Romani origin (Tomova, 1995: 61).

More recently, the Save the Children draft report notes:

The majority of children in special schools are from minority origins. Most are from the Roma and Gypsy communities who have been marginalized, or who have preferred ethnic identity. . . . There is no precise data about the number of minority children in special schools (SC, 2000: 61).

In 1999, it was reported that there are 274 special schools/children's homes, located both in large towns and some remote country locations. Though unofficial, Romani representation in these schools is estimated at 70% (Penn, 1999: 7).

Similarly, the Regional School Inspector in the northern county of Montana estimated that more than 60% of the children in the county's special schools were Romani origin, and from families confronted with extremely difficult economic situations.

There are a number of alleged reasons why normal Romani children are put into schools for the mentally handicapped and for children with special needs; one is money. In comparing the budgets for all needs (materials, books, repairs, etc.), excluding teachers' salaries, a Romani neighborhood school has about 1,000 BGL for a school of some 650 children, while a special school in the same town has about 50,000 BGL for some 75 children.

In the context of Bulgaria's current economic difficulties, the free food and other services provided to students in these schools may be a motivating factor for some parents. One Director of a special school also stated that they provide students with clothing, which they receive from various charities. All special or auxiliary schools are financed fully by the Ministry of Education, unlike normal schools that also receive funding from local government budgets.

Romani children's insufficient knowledge of the Bulgarian language may also lead to their transfer to special schools, as suggested by former Romani school teacher Svetlana Vassileva:

For a teacher the easiest solution is simply to get rid of such problem kids. Usually parents are "strongly advised" to take their child to a "special school" for mentally retarded children. The teacher's authority plus free lunches in these establishments push many parents to comply (Vassileva, ERRC, 1998).

The official procedures for determining whether a child should be placed in a special school involves either a committee consisting of a psychologist, an educator and the child's teacher (appointed by the regional educational office), or by the issuing of a medical certificate for the child's psychological status (SC, 2000: 62).

It is also understood, however, that the exams are not culturally sensitive, as they take place only in Bulgarian. There are also no clear criteria for determining the mental health of the child, and a decision can be made in 2-3 minutes. Finally, the commission itself is not independent. In the context of the current demographic trend in Bulgaria, it is clear that a number of schools will have to be closed, as the school-aged population has decreased significantly. Therefore, decisions may be influenced by an interest to keep schools open and maintain jobs.

Local, regional and central government authorities all recognized that there are Romani children in these schools who are not mentally handicapped. However, as no steps have been taken to correct the situation, there seems to be a lack of real political will to do anything. One foreseen change, which may have a positive influence, is the intention to transfer fiscal responsibility of the schools to the local governments, who may be more set on reducing spending, and therefore seeing to the closure of some of the schools.

This study does not tackle the issue of overrepresentation of Romani children in Educational Boarding Schools (EBS), another type of special school, which are under the authority of the Ministry of Education and Science. In short, the Educational Boarding Schools are for children with delinquent behavior. Evidence exists that Romani children are being routed to these schools in violation of established procedures. While this is not an educational problem per se, the situation of Romani children in the EBS is worth studying with a view on the perspectives for their reintegration into regular schools as well as their prospects for further education.

It was thought that an entire study could be dedicated just to this topic. More information may be obtained through research conducted by the Bulgarian non-governmental organization, Bulgarian Helsinki Committee.

II.2. Problems Concerning School Attendance, Continuation and Overall Achievement Levels

Most of the information available regarding the educational achievement of Roma in Bulgaria comes from sociological surveys. For example, recent figures concerning achievement levels amongst the estimated 800,000 Roma in Bulgaria indicate that some 8% are illiterate; 37% with 4th grade education; 46% with primary education; 8% with secondary education and less than 1% with university degrees (CEGA video, 1999).

According to the results of another study carried out in 137 compact Romani neighborhoods in 1994, "16% of the adult population is illiterate; 36% have primary education only; 40% have only elementary school education, 8.5% have secondary school education and 0.3% have higher or college education" (Tomova, 1995, p. 60).

However, in a report commissioned by Cordaid, a program funded by the Netherlands government MATRA program, Bulgarian NGOs stated that, "they do not have sufficient or they have incorrect information about the school population regarding minorities" (Stichting leerplanontwikkeling- SLO, 2000: 3.4).

II.2.1. Romani Children Not Attending School

The Bulgarian Ministry of Education and Science registers that some 60,000 Roma children do not attend school. NGOs estimate that about 120,000 children do not attend school (CEGA video, 1999).

In the same representative study undertaken by Tomova, which is mentioned above, it is stated that, "Out of the 2,047 respondents' children who are subject to compulsory education about whom data was collected during this research, only 978 of them, 47.7% go to school. Over half do not attend school at all."
II.2.2. Low Percentage of Romani Children Attend Kindergarten

Research indicates that only 12% of 3 to 6-year-old Roma go to kindergarten (Tomova, 1995: p. 62). Other field visit data correspond. In a Montana Romani neighborhood, only 20-24 out of an estimated 200 Romani children of kindergarten age currently attend the local school, partly as there is inadequate space. In Vidin, about 10% of the 1st graders had attended kindergarten, and about 20% were currently enrolled in preparatory classes. Teachers and School Directors stated that for the children who had attended kindergarten and preparatory classes, there was a higher level of socialization to schooling, better results in the learning process (including knowledge of Bulgarian language), and overall a more sustainable educational start.

II.2.3. High Drop-out Rate Amongst Romani Students

According to the Bulgarian Ministry of Education and Science there are 30,000 - 40,000 dropouts each year, most of whom are Roma (SC, 2000: 60). The Ministry of Education, however, has no dropout policy (Stichting leerplanontwikkeling- SLO, 2000: 3.7).

Some figures for Romani neighborhood schools include the Fakulteta district of Sofia, where there are 7 classes for the 1st grade level, but only 1 class for the 11th grade. In the Romani neighborhood school of Kurdjali, 73 out of the 610 Roma and Turkish-Romani students dropped out or had to repeat the same grade last year. Furthermore, out of 80 students who started, only 40 students completed the 8th grade in 1999.

In Romani neighborhood primary schools from the 1st to 4th grade, the dropout rate in the 5th grade is higher upon the expected transfer to another school. Likewise, many students drop out upon transfer from the 8th to the 9th grade, indicating that the 5th and 9th years are critical transition periods. As in other countries, 13 to 14 years of age is the average leaving age from school, especially for girls (Tomova, 1995, p. 60).

Some Romani families engage in internal seasonal migrations to make a living. Many, for example, may work as agricultural day laborers. When they move, they take their children with them, or leave them with other family members, which can result in withdrawal from schooling before the end of the school year.

According to the Law on Education, students who had previously discontinued their education, but for different reasons would now like to continue again, have the possibility to attend night classes. Practically, however, this depends on local factors, such as financing, organization, and mediation activities between Roma and local schools and teachers. This reality, in fact, makes it very difficult for Roma students who have dropped out for various reasons to continue their education.

II.2.4. Overall Lower Achievement Levels Among Romani Girls and Women

In a qualitative study carried out in 8 settlements, it has also been noted that a higher percentage of Romani women than men have never been to school or dropped out before completing the 4th grade, with figures at 29% and 11% respectively. Likewise, overall achievement levels are lower amongst Romani women than men (World Bank, 2000: 21).
II.3. Discriminatory Attitudes, Deliberate Segregation and Exclusion

The deep-rooted and widespread negative attitudes toward Roma amongst the majority society also surface and influence the quality of education for Romani children. Issues that have been discussed in this report - the maintenance of lower standard vocational programs in Romani schools, the transfer of Romani students to "special schools", the organization of segregated classes, exclusion from ethnic Bulgarian schools, and teachers' neglect of hostile and prejudiced behaviors of non-Romani students toward their Romani classmates - are some of the problems mentioned in various reports.

In the governmental Framework document, it is recognized that,

The old regime system of factual segregation of Roma children in the so-called "Gypsy schools" with emphasis on workshop classes has been inherited in the present and we witness a tendency to form separate segregated classes of Roma children at schools (Govt. Framework, V.).

Recently, there have been local decisions to transfer Romani students from Romani schools in ghettos to mostly ethnic Bulgarian schools. The decision to do such is a result, mainly, of the typical run-down conditions of the Romani neighborhood school and the overall decrease in the number of ethnic Bulgarian children in ethnic Bulgarian schools. There have been incidents, however, where these efforts were accompanied by protests from Bulgarian parents and even withdrawal of their students from the school.

On the other hand, an important development in the field of education of Romani children, which has also recently taken place, is the pilot desegregation project initiated by the Vidin-based Romani NGO DROM. This project involves busing Romani children from the school in the Romani neighborhood to the nearby mixed schools. Currently, the project is only at the beginning of a long-term process to eventually be taken over by the state.

Exclusion from higher quality ethnic Bulgarian and mixed schools also occurs, where school authorities have reportedly denied access to Romani children, "through unofficial, off-the-record harassment or discouragement" (Vassileva, ERRC, 1998; OSCE, 1999. 73). In the same report, Vassileva also writes that in typical classroom settings it was typical for Romani students to be stigmatized for their behavior by students and teachers.

Likewise, upon starting in mixed schools, the child's experience of hostile attitudes, difficulties with lessons and neglect from teachers can lead to frustration and reduced motivation for continuing school (Tomova, 1995). In discussions with one School Director of a Romani neighborhood school in northwest Bulgaria, it was stated that about 25 children start out in the other mixed schools, but that about 20 eventually come back to the neighborhood school due to their negative experience.

The difficulty of instituting effective educational measures in a climate of unwillingness, negligence, rejection, and hostility cannot be underestimated. One must consider the necessity of mass tolerance education in order to begin to change this climate over time to one that accepts and respects the Romani population, their cultural differences and contribution to the social fabric of Bulgaria.

III. CURRENT NEEDS IN VIEW OF IMPROVING THE EDUCATION AND SCHOOLING OF ROMA IN BULGARIA

There are a number of complex, often inter-related reasons why there are large dropout rates and overall low achievement levels among Roma in the educational system in Bulgaria. These include: poor social and economic conditions, discriminatory attitudes and exclusion of Romani children, insufficient attendance of Roma in kindergartens, a lack of bilingual teaching methods and materials to overcome initial language barriers, inadequate pre-service teacher training, and a lower level quality of education in Romani neighborhood schools (teachers, materials, general conditions).

III.1. No Institutionalization of Bilingual Programs

Currently, dropouts in the 1st grade can, in part, be attributed to the fact that there are Romani students who start the schooling process while having too little knowledge of the Bulgarian language. Research findings indicate that the percentage of all Roma who speak Romani language at home is about 50%. According to one study, as few as 14% of Roma speak Bulgarian at home. Of the remaining 36%, the majority probably speak Turkish language (Tomova, 1995: 26).

Currently, no bilingual programs have been introduced on the systemic level to address this problem. For example, one teacher stated that she has students who cannot say they are thirsty or have to go to the bathroom. Naturally, it is not interesting, even frustrating, for a student to listen to a story in Bulgarian language, when they only understand maybe 50% of the words (CEGA video, 1999).

Given the lack of teacher training and bilingual programs and materials, Bulgarian NGO initiatives include the introduction of Teacher's Assistants (Romani) in different schools of the region who assist in the teaching process, providing for translation from Bulgarian to Romani and vice versa. The Teacher's Assistant is usually a young Romani woman from the community, who works alongside a teacher in preparatory classes.

Complementary programs have developed alongside the Teacher's Assistants initiative, especially in creating activities to involve parents in the schooling process. There are instances of parents' committees being formed, educators speaking with parents about the education of their children, and the organization of extra-curricular activities to make the schooling experience more attractive and interesting for students and parents.

Preparatory classes should be organized for children who have a poor command of the Bulgarian language and who have not attended kindergarten. Actual implementation of such classes, however, falls short of the current demand (SC, 2000: 54). At the same time, preparatory classes for children who did not attend kindergarten can only partially compensate for kindergarten, and does not mean a truly equal start at an equal age (Nunev, 1998: 21).
It is the responsibility of School Directors to arrange for preparatory classes that involve teacher's assistants in bilingual programs. However, though "preparatory classes" may exist, they often do not include bilingual programs and assistant teachers.

The Bulgarian Ministry of Education and Science allowed NGOs to experiment with the project for assistant teachers, but to say they have "welcomed" the approach would be an exaggeration. Though there have been rumors that this new post will be formalized within the educational system, thus far no concrete decisions have been made to do so. In the past the Ministry agreed to the implementation of a number of NGO projects which are a venue for additional financial support for the schools. However, with the end of the projects, the activities stopped.

III.2. Unequal Expectations and a Lack of a Support Scheme for Critical Transition Years

There are certain critical stages within the schooling process that begin from kindergarten and end with a higher education. To begin, kindergarten or pre-school attendance is extremely important in order to achieve a positive and more sustainable start to the schooling process.

Given the high rates of unemployment amongst Roma, and the rising costs of kindergarten fees, fewer Romani children attend kindergarten than in previous years. This is a critical period in which the foundation for the child's future education is laid, though currently there is no effective social policy to support the participation of children from low-income families.

It is also important to note that more and more "top" schools with a foreign language profile require children to pass an entrance exam before entering the 1st grade. Moreover, participation in such schools requires adequate family income to pay for the costs of the materials. For most Roma, their access to these schools is limited or blocked by a lack of preparation for the exams and the financial resources necessary to attend the school.

Other critical stages in the schooling process are the transition from the 4th to the 5th grade, and 8th to 9th grade. In some cases, this involves a transfer from one school to another (i.e. the Romani neighborhood school to a mixed school). If the quality of education is lower in the Romani school, then students will have difficulties upon transfer, and without extra support and attention, will most likely result in humiliation, frustration and eventual withdrawals.

Also, there are problems of lower expectations toward Romani students, contributing to the lower quality education and lack of preparation for continuing on to higher forms. For example, it was mentioned that the high school for Romani neighborhood pupils in Lom only has 10 grades, rather than 11 or 12, as required for matriculation. Supplementary hours held after the regular school hours to provide for additional work on the day's lesson and preparation for the following day are also to be dropped in the context of educational reforms. Teachers and school directors stated that these hours are necessary for many of the students.

For higher education, only NGOs with access to mostly external donor support are able to provide support (both in terms of studies and financial support) focusing on the transition from the 11th or 12th grade to the university. An informal network of NGOs working with Roma in different regions of the country also stressed that there are insufficient possibilities for scholarships to support Romani students who are high achievers in education, but who cannot advance owing to social and economic limitations. Pre-examination training is planned as part of the project to be co-funded by the European Commission PHARE program, in support of implementing some of the provisions of the government's "Framework Program for the Equal Integration of Roma" adopted in April 1999 (see section IV). At the time of writing this report, the project was still in the stage of finalizing the Terms of Reference. However, it may be noted that there is no special scholarship program, and no provisions for affirmative action-type policies.

III.3. Insufficient Pre-Service and In-Service Teacher Training, and Insufficient Presence of Romani Teachers

In Bulgaria, pre-service teacher training does not provide for adequate knowledge on the methods for working with minority children. This is reflected in the entire educational system, which is "intended for the needs of an ethno-national (one-nation) state" (SC, 2000:60).

Generally, pre-service training does not include actual practical work with Roma and in Romani neighborhood schools. Therefore, teachers going to work in schools with Romani students are unexposed and unprepared. They usually have little to no knowledge about Romani history, culture and language, and have had no education and training to deal with common anti-Roma attitudes and sentiments.

In addition, NGOs have reported that many school Directors lack knowledge about minorities, and do not see minority education as a responsibility of the school, and therefore fail to develop proper policies. Accordingly, the main problem is that in-service university programs do not include courses on the development of school policy for minority education, and there are too few opportunities for school directors to attend such courses. Currently, this gap is filled, in part, by NGO activities (Stichting leerplanontwikkeling- SLO, 2000: 3.4).

It may also be mentioned that the teaching profession has come to have a very low social status in the society at large:

The low professional self-confidence of the teachers and dissatisfaction with low pay, in addition to the alienation of all other institutions to the problems of education, prevent the start of innovations and negatively affect the whole system (Savova, 1996).

For the first quarter of 1999, the average gross salary for persons employed in the educational system was 150.22 BGL (about 151 DEM), while the national average was 187.738 BGL (UNESCO, 2000: Pt. II).

III.4 Lack of Multi-Cultural Curriculum and Textbooks, Including Romani Language

Romani history, culture and literature is still absent from the curricula used in the Bulgarian education system. As one educator put it,

The primers, spelling books and text books on literature, history, etc., do not contain the slightest hint that Roma also live in this country, and that for centuries have taken part in building up the material, intellectual and spiritual culture of Bulgaria (Tomova, 1995 p. 63).

Reportedly, the current expert groups responsible for the development of textbooks, and who participate in a tender at the invitation of the Ministry of Education, lack expertise about minority education (Stichting leerplanontwikkeling- SLO, 2000: 3.4).

With regards to minority education in general, the Save the Children Draft Report points out that,
teachers, and especially their professional organizations (including the most popular one, the Union of Bulgarian teachers).... have not developed a clear-cut approach to education of minorities (SC, 2000: 64-5).

According to the National Institute for Education of the Ministry of Education and Science, a kindergarten project for working with "socially neglected children, mainly of gypsy origin" is implemented in the country. The stated principal objective is "that the children learn the Bulgarian language before they enter school and that they join the traditional culture and value system" (UNESCO, 2000. Pt. II). Such an attitude and perspective does not give the impression that the system, as such, is making efforts toward the respect for cultural differences and multi-cultural education.

Although various materials have already been produced by different NGOs, there is yet no real progress in the institutionalization of books and manuals that were produced by the Inter-ethnic initiative for Human Rights, MRG, and the Diversity Foundation. Reasons given have been a lack of funds. There have been some discussions amongst NGOs and Romani representatives about whether they should become part of the general history and literature books or remain as separate, more colorful and attractive supplements.

Some of the textbooks and resources produced include:

A bilingual reading book (Kyuchukov et al., 1993) that functions as a general text about Romani language, history, and culture, and which is accompanied by a teacher's instruction manual.

Romani alphabet (1995) and Romani Reader (1996); the latter introduces Bulgarian Romani children to the Romani writers of the world. (Kyuchukov, ERRC, 1998)

Romani language and Let's Learn Bulgarian, UNICEF project, 1992 - Two experimental bilingual textbooks.

Roma Rights and Education, EC PHARE project involving the Inter-ethnic Initiative for Human Rights. They produced a high-quality set of teaching materials as supplements to existing textbooks (5 for teachers and 11 for pupils 7 to 18 years old) about the history and culture of the Romani community. The materials have been piloted in 35 schools in Bulgaria in partnership with the Bulgarian Ministry of Education since 1997, but have not been institutionalized.

Currently, the same organization is also implementing a project called "Developing Intercultural Experience", which uses non-traditional teaching methods to acquaint 7 to 11-year-old children from different ethnic and religious communities with each other, including different value systems. Outreach activities in the form of dialogue clubs with teachers, parents, students, School Boards, and other social actors and institutions are also organized, and teachers' aids and training materials are also being developed. While the Ministry of Education and Science has provided that these books may be used in different schools, no financial support has been provided, and there is no mention of the future institutionalization of these materials (IEI foundation, on-line).

III.5. Insufficient Textbooks and General Teaching Materials in Romani Neighborhood Schools

Also affecting the quality of education in Romani neighborhood schools is a lack of general textbooks and materials. School directors, teachers, and NGO community and school workers mentioned that children have to share the books that exist. For example, in one Romani neighborhood school, all the textbooks were kept in the library. Books were not a part of the classroom learning process and were accessible to students only when the school library was open. In addition to the physical lack children must suffer due to this policy, the intellectual message that is transmitted regarding education and books is also quite negative.

Photographs taken in the field comparing a Romani neighborhood school and an average school with a foreign language profile in the same town show the marked difference in the physical nature of the school, in the classroom learning standards, and in the materials that children had access to.

As mentioned earlier in the "Financing" section of this report, beginning from the 1999 school year, textbooks should be provided for the first grade only. Many teachers and directors in the Romani neighborhood schools expressed their concern over how this will affect the students and the learning process, as it is already difficult.

III.6. Lack of Extra-Curricular Activities of Romani Students and Meaningful Involvement of Parents in the Schooling Process

For some more traditional Romani families, it may be that basic reading, writing and arithmetic knowledge is seen as adequate, since the children's active participation in income-generating activities for the family has a more important role in the family's survival (Nunev, 1998: 19). In this regard, family seasonal labor migrations and other family income-generating activities also motivate school absenteeism.

School attendance of Romani children from families who have fallen into anomie, or who are seen as the most marginalized, represents the worst situation. "For such Romanies, it is normal to disregard the role of school in children's life" (Nunev, 1998: 19). In discussion with NGOs and School Directors in neighborhoods, these would seem to represent the most difficult families to work with, and a large percentage of children who do not start school at all.

Romani parents often state that they are not able to provide the necessary clothes, shoes and school materials for their children Tomova, 1995, p. 60). While this can form part of the barrier, many agree that this is not the most important factor.

Problems of low attendance and high drop-out rates amongst Roma, especially in the Romani neighborhood schools, is a complex and difficult subject to approach when looking at issues of value sets and motivation. On the one hand, it cannot be separated from the deeper psychological and social implications of ghetto life, different sets of values between some Romani groups, Romani family priorities in the context of economic difficulties, the lack of a Romani presence in the current curricula and the rejection of Roma on the part of some authorities and members of the majority population. On the other hand, it has been shown that NGOs in Bulgaria have had positive results in the organization of various activities that increase the interest of Romani students and parents by providing an opportunity for them to participate in a number of activities, which any youth and proud parent can appreciate.

In identifying ways to improve school attendance and interest in school, a number of Bulgarian NGOs have organized extra-school activities, which had previously not existed, such as sports clubs, music lessons, dance clubs, drama, computer course, etc. In many cases, the continued participation in these clubs is dependent on the students' performance in school, and supplementary hours are provided to students who fall behind or need extra tutoring.

At the same time, local activities have also involved discussions with parents about their children's schooling, the organization of parents' committees, and club-related performances for parents. Some programs also provide food in school and according to discussions with school directors, attendance greatly increases when provided, or reduces immediately when stopped. One school director said that attendance drops by about 50% if they do not provide food.

IV. CURRENT POLICY FRAMEWORK CONCERNING ROMA AND EDUCATION
IV.1. Governmental Policy on Roma

In April 1999, the Bulgarian Council of Ministers approved the FFramework for a Program for Equal Integration of Roma in Bulgarian Society". The Framework was drafted by the Human Rights Project (Sofia), together with some 70 Romani NGOs from throughout Bulgaria, with the support of the Council of Europe.

Stressing the overall need to eliminate widespread anti-Roma discrimination and to promote equality of opportunity, the education component of the Framework Program includes the following points:

- Desegregation of Romani schools.

Long term strategy - removal of segregated Roma schools in Roma areas...ensure free admission of Roma children to so-called "normal" schools and prevent segregation of Roma children into separate classes.

The long term process calls to reorganize/restructure so called "Gypsy schools".... meanwhile to work on improving the quality of education/standard of education in these schools.

Steps:
1. Assistance and encouragement of introduction of pre-school/preparatory classes for Roma children who do not speak Bulgarian.
2. Introduction of integrated general educational curricula to Roma schools and excluding early/premature vocational training classes from the curricula.
3. Stimulation of employing teachers with the necessary qualification and experience and dismissal of teachers with no University degree or teaching qualifications.
4. Introduction of a new educational entity, the so called "assistant teachers" from the Roma community who will be helping in Roma children classes and providing special training for these assistant teachers. (Note: This provision was not part of the original Framework. This refers to the Program initiated by the Human Rights Project, together with Romani NGOs from throughout Bulgaria)
5. Free access to information and consultations of families with low income and poor living conditions which should be entitled to eat free in the school canteens, receive, free of charge, school books, books and other school aids.

- Dissolving/Abolishing the existing practice of normal healthy children of Roma origin to be educated in "special" auxiliary schools.

- Counteraction to forms of racism in the classrooms
Roma children are exposed to various forms of bad treatment and humiliation in schools. Negative attitude of teachers and schoolmates towards Roma children is also a factor that leads to the unwillingness of these children to attend classes. The Ministry of Science and Education must develop educational programs on ethnic tolerance for teachers. Everyone, teachers, parents and pupils should receive special training on counteraction to forms of racism in schools. Racial acts in the classrooms must be sanctioned.

- Providing opportunity to study Roma language in school, .... where Roma language must become an optional school subject on the general national curriculum.

One major obstacle in studying Roma language in school is the shortage of teachers who are capable to simultaneously force and execute this process. For this reason "Roma language and culture" should be introduced as a second optional major at universities for teachers. It should be introduced especially at Sofia University where not only university students studying to become teachers but other students whose future work shall involve working within Roma community can choose to study it as a second major.

- University education for Roma

...Providing conditions/possibilities for Roma to be admitted at universities for example, organizing preparatory courses for Roma candidates, etc. Roma community must be well informed about the procedures and requirements for receiving university grants.
[It may be noted that the HRP backed framework called for the "introduction of preferential admittance (including on a quota basis in the system of state-sponsored education) of Roma into Bulgarian universities"]

- Programs for Roma adults in literacy and qualifications.

- Roma history and culture must be present in textbooks for primary, secondary and high school as an intricate part of the general context of Bulgarian history and culture. (In the component for the "Protection of the ethnic specification and culture")

Currently, there are sentiments of frustration among various NGOs about the pace in which provisions of the Framework program are being implemented. Last year, 500,000 Euro was approved by the European Commission PHARE program to support the government project on "Promoting the Integration of the Roma". The support is to be directed at educational and urban development activities along with training of recently appointed Roma civil servants, all in relation to the Framework program. The Terms of Reference were being finalized during the field visit in preparation of this report.

Indeed the limited resources and the activities planned in the context of EC PHARE support seem only to scratch the surface of the problems. For the most part, the draft Terms of Reference for the educational component include 4 training seminars related to the introduction of Teacher's Assistants in four pilot regions of the country, along with working groups to create the job descriptions and training curricula development. Other activities include the organization of courses to help prepare Romani students for higher education, and training for the introduction of the teachers' guide to Romani culture and history in the 4 pilot regions. The latter is to build on the previously developed guides prepared by the Intercultural Initiative for Human Rights Foundation and Minority Rights Group (with EC PHARE support).

According to the Save the Children report, "this is a consolidation of the principle of specialized education for Romani and Gypsy children instead of general education".... representing "another attempt by the State to transfer its obligations to the NGO sector, thus offering only half-measure temporary solutions" (SC, 2000: 64).

On the other hand, the Teacher's Assistants provide for an important figure in the current situation of a lack of bilingual programs to address the insufficient knowledge of Bulgarian language amongst some Romani children. However, it is important that this is seen as a short-term response to the current needs, and not a long-term solution to the more complex issues resulting in unequal educational opportunities confronting the majority of Roma in the country.

V. DONOR PROGRAMS

Regarding other donor programs concerning the education of Roma in Bulgaria, there are not any specific programs or priorities targeting this area known or discovered in the course of preparing this report, other than government plans in the context of the EC PHARE project mentioned above.

The Open Society Foundation - Sofia has a "Roma Program", as in other countries, with an average annual program budget of 200,000 USD. Some of these funds have been provided to support local educational activities, though priorities have been laid more on community centers and the provision of support for general running costs. Some scholarships have also been made available to Romani students, administered jointly with the scholarship program of the Foundation.

Romani and non-Romani NGOs also work or provide(d) support to local partner organizations for various community development activities, including education-related initiatives, with the support of mostly external donors, such as NOVIB - the Netherlands, the governmental MATRA program, UNESCO, and U.S. private foundations.

One program called the "Human Rights Program", funded by the MATRA program of the Netherlands government , and carried out by CORDAID in the Netherlands and five Human Rights organizations in Bulgaria includes an educational component. Concerns about the cooperation with NGOs in the program, and adequate support from the Ministry of Education and Science in Bulgaria led to the commissioning of a mission and report "to obtain more assurance about co-operation of the Bulgarian government with NGOs in the framework of the MATRA-project A-433/8005 Human Rights Program".

The mission took place from 26 February to 7 March 2000. The overall conclusion was that, "despite the rather passive attitude of the Ministry of Education and Science regarding minority education and co-operation with NGOs, we see sufficient reason to continue this project". The report recommends that the MOE adopt a more active policy in the field of minority education, where a 2-3 year work plan may be a good framework. Likewise, there is a need to "raising awareness of minority conditions in the Bulgarian minority, the balance between integration and recognition of the own minority identity and an educational policy for minorities at risk". Two specific issues stressed are the development of a policy and practice for mother tongue education, and steps forward in the desegregation of Roma schools (Stichting leerplanontwikkeling- SLO, 2000: 5.2).

Support from the European Commission PHARE program came through a number of different channels, including some Roma-specific programs, such as the 1997 regional "Roma Rights and Education" project, which contributed to the production of Romani history, literature and culture textbooks.

Also, the Socrates Program's Comenius Action 2 involves international projects with activities including: "joint development and dissemination of pedagogical methods and materials relevant to the special educational needs of Roma, all measures related to teacher training as well as the exchange of experience and discussion of good practice through seminars, conferences and study visits" (EU Enlargement briefing, 1999 : 9).

One area, which should be more closely examined, is that of larger-scale educational programs and their impact or inclusion of Romani pupils, schools and Romani-related curricula. Here attention may be drawn to programs mentioned in the UNESCO "Education for All" 2000 report, prepared by the National Education Institute of the Ministry of Educational Science. These include: EC PHARE supported programs initiated in 1994, "Bulgaria - Educational Sector Reform" for 1 million ECU; "Professional Education and Training, Reform in Education, Science and Technologies" for 9 million ECU; "Development, Evaluation and Accreditation Program" and the "Dropout Pupils", "Management Education Program" for 1.35 million ECU (UNESCO, 2000. Pt. II).

There is also the "School for Everyone" project, which aims to develop practical models for working with children who have dropped out of school in different regions of the country, in view of establishing a policy and the related structures and mechanisms for dealing with school drop-outs (UNESCO, 2000: Pt. II).

VI. CONCLUDING REMARKS

The cooperation between the Bulgarian government and Romani NGOs in the context of drafting the "Framework for a Program for Equal Integration of Roma in Bulgarian Society" was an important first step in identifying tasks, which would improve the overall situation of Roma in Bulgaria, including those in the field of education. However, as in other countries of the region, the government is now challenged with the task of making the appropriate legislative, administrative and institutional changes in view of implementing the respective policies.

While economic conditions do influence the situation, for example, in terms of family income, long-term unemployment, public services and central and local government expenditures, genuine political will is necessary for the institutionalization of Roma-related policy provisions, and the mainstreaming of Romani issues into wider processes of educational system reforms and developments. Here there is a need to consider both the Romani children already in school, and those who are not attending at all.

Many of the problems related above are directly connected to the conditions and quality of education within the Romani neighborhood school, which would not be relevant if the Romani children were attending normal schools with other non-Roma children. This fact, along with the declining school-age population and the need to close schools, means that a well-planned, well-communicated and carefully monitored process of desegregation should take place. Otherwise, it is difficult to foresee that the current situation of Roma in the Bulgarian educational system will undergo significant changes.

The desegregation process should include preparatory activities for Romani and non-Romani students and parents, teachers, and school administration. Roma must be accepted to the schools by school administration and majority population parents; teachers need to be more informed about Romani culture, better prepared to work with Romani students and to address issues of inter-ethnic classroom relations; and Romani families and students must be prepared for their engagement with majority people and institutions.

If Romani schools were immediately closed, and the Roma and ethnic Bulgarian schools were not prepared to accept the students and address inter-ethnic relations, the effects could mean even higher exclusion of Roma from schooling institutions. To the knowledge of those preparing this report, there are no such plans by the Ministry of Education to begin a well thought and prepared process of desegregation in the near future, for example, through bussing of a limited number of students and corresponding sensitization activities for different stakeholders.

Romani culture, history and language should have its place within the national education curricula, and there should be widespread access to programs that facilitate and support the participation of more Roma in higher education, including the preparation of more Romani teachers.

Certainly, NGOs in Bulgaria have played a leading role in identifying local problems and methods for working with Romani students, families and communities. While such grassroots approaches, especially those concerning Romani community mobilization, awareness-raising and self-organization should undoubtedly continue to play an important role, the situation calls for government-led systemic changes to provide Roma with equitable educational opportunities.

References

Association of Roma Women in Romania, Report on the International Conference "Public Policies and Romani Women in Countries of Central and Eastern Europe", December 1999.

Census, The Regional Offices of the Ministry of Internal affairs, May 1992. (5)

CIA (Central Intelligence Agency), The World Fact Book 1999 -Bulgaria, http://www.odci.gov/cia/publications/factbook (4)

Cordaid, "Report on the technical assistance mission to obtain more assurance about co-operation of the Bulgarian Government with NGOs in the framework of the MATRA-project A-433/8005 Human Rights Programme". Final version 07 04 2000.

Council of Ministers of the Bulgarian Government, "Framework for a Program for Equal Integration of Romas in Bulgarian Society", April 1999.

Creating Effective Grassroots Alternatives Foundation and NOVIB, "Welcome Pupils or a Gypsy Spring" video, 1999. (3)

EU Enlargement Briefing, "EU support for Roma communities in central and eastern Europe", December 1999.

Human Rights Project, "Program for Equal Participation of Roma in Public Life", 1999.

Interethnic Initiative for Human Rights Foundation / online presentation, 2000.

Key Indicators - Vocational education and training in Central and Eastern Europe, European Training Foundation, European Communities, 1999 (13)

Kyuchukov, Khristo "Projects in Romani Education: Bulgaria", ERRC Roma Rights/Summer 98.

National Statistical Institute, Bulgaria, Population Account, 1994. www.nsi.bg. (12)

Nunev Iossif, "Romany Child and Romany Family Environment", International Center for Minority Problems and Cultural Interactions. 1998 (unofficial translation from Bulgarian)

OSCE, "Report on the Situation of Roma and Sinti in the OSCE Area", 2000.

Penn, Helen, "Integrated Education in Bulgaria: Situational Analysis", Commissioned by SCF UK. March 1999. (8)

Save the Children UK, "Denied a Future? The Right to Education of Roma, Gypsy, Traveller children in Europe"- Draft, March 2000. (7)

Savova, Julieta, "The Bulgarian Experience of Reform", European Journal of Education, March 96, Vol., 31, Issue 1, p. 85.

Trans Monee database: UNICEF TransMONEE database http://www.unicef-icdc.org/information/databases/download.htm (1)

Vassileva, Svetlana "Things a teacher can't forget - Notes by a Romani teacher in a majority-dominated Bulgarian school", ERRC Roma Rights/Summer 98.

Tomova Ilona, "The Gypsies in the transition period", International Center for Minority Studies and Intercultural Relations, 1995 (10)

Ringold, Dena., "Roma and the Transition in Central and Eastern Europe", World Bank, May 2000. (11)

WB March 2000: The Road to Stability and Prosperity in South Eastern Europe: A Regional Strategy Paper, World Bank, March 2000. (2)

UNICEF 1998: Education for All?, Regional Monitoring Report No. 5, UNICEF, 1998 (6)

UNESCO Education For All 2000 Assessment- Country Report, Bulgaria - prepared by the National Institute for Education at the Ministry of Education and Science, at <www2.unesco.org/efa/wef/countryreportsbulgaria.html>

UNESCO IBE (United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organisation - International Bureau of Education), World Data on Education, http://unesco.org/education/information (9)

Annex 1: Agenda of the working visit to Bulgaria in preparation of the report "Roma in the Education System of Bulgaria - a problem analysis"

12 - 20 April 2000

Jennifer Tanaka

12 April / Wednesday
-Arrival, and travel to Lom
-informal meeting with the Roma Lom Foundation

13 April / Thursday
-Visit to "elite" Bulgarian school in Lom, observation of preparatory class of mixed Bulgarian and Roma children. (Also has teacher's assistant)
-Visit to Roma neighborhood school in Lom "Kliment Ochridski". Discussion with teacher of preparatory class (All school directors were at a special training about fund-raising this day)
-Meeting at Montana regional Inspectorate. Discussion with Vice Inspector, the School Inspector, and the Roma functionary (recently appointed as part of government program).
-Visit to Roma Neighborhood school of "Georgi Bemkovski", discussion with headmaster, observation of classes, brief discussion about issues with teachers and kindergarten.
-Visit to Bulgarian school in Montana. Discussion with headmaster. Viewing of rooms and Step-by-step classes.
-Meeting at local government of Lom, meeting with functionary charged with schooling, appointed Roma and the mayor.
-Meeting with Teachers Assistants and teacher in Lom

14 April / Friday

-Visit to mixed school in Lom. Discussion with headmaster, class visits
-Meeting at regional government of Vidin
-Visit to Roma neighborhood school "Sofroni Wrachanski" in Vidin, discussion with headmaster and teachers.
-Interview for Roma television in Vidin.
-Visit to special school, discussion with headmaster, visit to classes.
-Viewing of video - "Welcome Pupils or a Gypsy Spring" on education and Roma.

15 April / Saturday

-Visit to Valchedram village. Discussion with local NGO.
-Visit to Biala Slatina. Discussion with newly formed group/NGO working on schooling of Roma children in the village. Walk through Roma neighborhood.

17 April / Monday

-Travel to Kurdjali (large Turkish and Turkish Roma population). Discussion with local NGO, formed of former School inspector and former vice-mayor and member of Soros Board.
-Visit to Roma neighborhood school, discussion with headmaster, visit to teachers and classrooms.
-Visit to "elite" Bulgarian school, brief meeting with one of the Headmasters.
-Visit to normal Bulgarian school. Discussion with Headmaster, viewing of classrooms.
-Discussion at another local NGO

18 April / Tuesday

Discussions with the following NGOs in Sofia:
-CEGA / Creating Effective Grassroots Alternatives;
-Human Rights Project;
-Romani Baxt / Fakulteta school - discussion with headmaster.
-British Council;
-Inter-Ethnic Initiative for Human Rights Foundation;
-Balkan Diversity Foundation and Lili Kovatcheva.

19 April / Wednesday

-Meeting at OSF with Kristin Razsolkova, Program Director Education and Culture; and Roma program coordinator
-Meeting at National Council on Ethnic and Demographic Issues. Discussion with Iossef Nunev, (and Peter Atanasov, Nadejda Anguelska)
-Meeting at Ministry of Education, with Vice Deputy in charge of all regional Inspectors.
-Meeting with informal network of NGOs from different regions of Bulgaria, co-operating with CEGA

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