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The Tasks Concerning Gypsy Children's Socialization at School

By András T. Hegedus
Source: Social Cohesion, Szolnok, 1998

The aim of this study is to demonstrate one aspect of what we expect from schools and teachers as far as the co-operation with Gypsy pupils and their parents is concerned. It is also necessary to present an outline of the establishment of an inter-cultural school, which is in conformity with the multicultural attitude of the societies within the EU. I would also like to reflect on how the co-operation between the primary education system and Gypsy people can be improved and on how little the teachers trained in colleges/universities and given further training at post graduate courses know about Gypsies, if they know anything at all. I am convinced that the issues to be mentioned below should necessarily be incorporated in the curriculum of teacher training and of the training programmes organized for practicing teachers.

GYPSIES IN EUROPE AND IN HUNGARY

As for the number and proportion of the Gypsy populations in each country, their identity, names, languages, history and aims, the situation is rather complex. The situation in Hungary is somewhat less complicated since the extremely heterogeneous Gypsy population of half a million people have three acknowledged languages, they are not evenly spread within the country and as far as maintaining their own identity is concerned, they also seem rather mixed. Prevalently, though, regarding their position in the labor market, within the educational system and in health care, etc. they are very disadvantaged with few exceptions. Their situation is only relatively disadvantageous, and any Hungarian Gypsy family would happily live the life of a Dutch or a Swedish Gypsy family. At the same time, Gypsies looking for work and a home immigrate to Hungary from the neighboring countries, both legally and illegally, which shows that their situation here can only be regarded as disadvantageous if it is compared with the situation of the majority of the Hungarian society.

The Gypsy population in Hungary is approximately 500.000 people; i.e. they constitute roughly 5% of the population of the country. The mother tongue of three-quarters of them is Hungarian (Romungro people), of one-fifth is Romani (Oláh people), while a small percentage speak Beash (an archaic Romanian dialect, Beash people). Irrespective of the their different mother tongues, each group consists of both people who can be considered rich even by European standards and people who can be considered poor by "African" standards but the majority live at the subsistence level of the Hungarian society.

They had all settled down by the 1950s and they have permanent residence. They found employment in the industrial and agricultural sectors gradually and at a fast pace. Since the 1960s Gypsy children have generally attended schools. The political and economic changes in the 1990s halted this process.

Today more than half of Gypsy children live in families with none of the adults being employed, as more than two-thirds of adult Gypsies have become unemployed (Somlai, 1998). Gypsy children are disadvantaged concerning almost every material aspect of life, from housing to eating.

It is a well-known fact that they achieve badly at school (Kemény, 1996). 4-6% of the 14-year-old population have not completed their primary education, however, the majority of these teenagers are Gypsies. An estimated 3.5% start secondary education while 58% of the 14-18 year-old Hungarian population attend a secondary school.

The subjects taught and the educational methods applied at schools are difficult to match with the values and attitudes of Gypsy families (Forray, 1997). Gypsy families often expect the school to provide children with less than other families do: they solely expect the school to instruct school subjects while they consider it to be the task of the family to provide thorough education for the children. Even the children of the better-off Gypsy families fail to do their schoolwork on a regular basis. They do not do their homework, they are not given any help when studying at home, and they do not have separate rooms, desks or shelves where they could work or keep their school kits. They leave for school without having breakfast or taking packed snacks and they often suffer from hunger. They often arrive late and miss classes since it is their task to look after their younger brothers and sisters.

Naturally, schools are neither able nor suited to compensate for Gypsy people's disadvantages and teachers themselves cannot be of too much help, either. Moreover, primary schools have still been using various forms of segregation in the 1990s. Gypsy pupils are sometimes physically separated from the rest of the class for reasons of public hygiene (see the Minority Ombudsman's 1988 report).

The most typical practice of segregation is to direct Gypsy children to attend remedial schools maintained for mentally slightly handicapped pupils. This means separating the children of the most disadvantaged, e.g. Gypsy families from their peers and removing them from the "normal" system of public education. The effects of the coaching programmes offered can easily turn into their opposites in such circumstances.

THE RELATIONSHIP OF GYPSIES AND THE SCHOOL SYSTEM IN HUNGARY

Most of our schools need to face Gypsy people's problems on a daily basis. The management of a school may have great influence on creating an atmosphere that emphasizes co-operation. First of all, it needs to be understood that in spite of their heterogeneity, socially, Gypsies have a common situation and their culture has a lot of intrinsic values. The managements of schools need to work out procedures that are based on the approval and understanding of being culturally "different" as well as on the assessment of school performance.

As far as the schooling of Gypsy children is concerned, very significant steps have been made over the past few decades. That is the reason why the topical issue today is not any more how to defeat illiteracy (though the problem still exists) but how a faster increase of the level of their schooling can be brought about, how to enhance the school success of these children and adolescents and how to curb the negative trends of the 1990s.

The development itself is not being questioned despite the painful fact that the relative backwardness of the young Gypsy generation as compared with the majority is showing an increasing tendency. The number and the proportion of Gypsy children is lower and lower in each and every school year - especially so in the higher grades of primary schools and in secondary schools - while non-Gypsy pupils of the same age accomplish their primary education almost without exceptions and go on studying in secondary schools.

It is an important task of our schools to accelerate Gypsy pupils' advancement. To achieve this aim, it is necessary to accumulate a large amount of knowledge and develop different skills to improve Gypsy children's school results and create a peaceful coexistence of the different ethnic groups at the same time. The issue is especially topical now that families have the right to choose between schools, which more and more frequently results in having schools where either the very large majority of the pupils or all of them belong to the Gypsy ethnic group. It largely depends on the head teachers of these schools whether it is possible to establish a successful co-operation between the school and the local Gypsies (Hegedus, 1993a.).

As Liegeois-George (1998) emphasizes, Gypsy families are more and more learning to accept the importance and the rules of school education. In order to establish real co-operation instead of the still very frequent relationships built on subordination and dependence it is necessary to adopt an attitude and patterns of behavior that are based on acceptance on behalf of the school and the surrounding society.

THE BACKGROUND OF FAILURES AT SCHOOL

Most Gypsy pupils suffer such frustrations at the very beginning of their studies that they soon fall behind and drop out from school. The failure is expressed in their unsatisfactory school results but Gypsy children's sensitivity, vulnerability and their being unable to tolerate the defeats are also important factors.

Evidently, there are two groups of factors reinforcing each other behind the school failures (Forray-Hegedus, 1998).

Firstly, the defects are caused by the lack of certain skills and knowledge, which they have failed to acquire during their school career. Their knowledge of history, mathematics, chemistry or spelling may be inadequate. These insufficiencies may be detected and made up for by intensive coaching. Accustoming children to studying, helping them master the necessary learning skills and strengthening their motivation, which inevitably decreases (partly) due to their failures, are more difficult tasks. From this point of view, Gypsy children are similar to other multiply disadvantaged children: they should learn how to learn.

The second group of background factors is of psychological and socio-psychological nature. Attending a secondary school still counts as a rare phenomenon among Gypsies (except for a few small elite groups of professionals). Secondary school students get far away from their communities, not only in a geographical sense, but also socially. It is not surprising that Gypsy communities try to protect themselves against losing their people, especially the most talented ones. But the young people who opt to study in secondary schools also have to face the risk of losing their community by exposing themselves to the dangers of assimilation (sometimes consciously, sometimes unconsciously).

The two groups of factors are interconnected: the compulsion to assimilate (or its danger) often decreases children's motivation to study. They have to face the question whether it is worth making such efforts for studying and paying a high price for it by risking losing their families or the ethnic community. Within the ethnic group there is little chance of choice, advancement and integration. They also have to consider what might happen if eventually they fail to assimilate and thus become losers in every respect. In other words it means that many Gypsy communities do not appreciate the knowledge taught in schools (and studying) and they do not consider it to be useful and useable within the society (Hegedus, 1993b). The hidden or open anti-Gypsy attitude of certain school increases the sense of danger and seclusion and it creates a vicious circle. Frustration increases and the risk of their personalities getting seriously damaged is multiplied.

  • lack of the necessary factual knowledge

  • some learning skills have not been acquired

  • fear of losing touch with their ethnic group

  • fear of failure to assimilate

  • they consider the knowledge learnt at school to be unimportant and useless

  • anti-Gypsy atmosphere at school and around their homes

The background of the failure of Gypsy children at school

Consequence: a low level of motivation to study.

IT IS NECESSARY TO PROVIDE A SYSTEM OF TWO-WAY SUPPORT!

Any attempt to support Gypsy children's studies solely by helping them make up for the lack of the necessary knowledge, skills and competence will fail. Neither is it sufficient for them to participate in training programmes and camps where they are assisted in learning about and understanding their original culture to achieve that aim. It can only have an indirect effect on their school performance.

Only the support of their school studies and the recognition of their ethnic culture together can provide solid support for their studies.

THE IMPORTANCE OF THE TEACHERS' VIEWS AND BEHAVIOR

Gypsy culture needs much more publicity, their values should be made better known. By this, their non-Gypsy companions, i.e. the society would be able to accept them to a much larger extent. The points where the two cultures meet should be detected.

"Gypsy people have no culture that we should respect. Actually, they are the ones who had better adapt and change."

Both opinions represent existing views, they are at opposite poles. Mentally, teachers themselves find it hard to separate Gypsy children from the Gypsy ethnic group. Teachers' views weigh more than those of many other professionals. Teachers - especially in a village-like environment - are still regarded as authorities, whose views are formative concerning the local public opinion.

Teachers' prejudices and behavior cannot be regarded as private issues, as they are public figures: their views are formative concerning the social climate of the school and the local community.

That is why it is dangerous for a society if teachers are labeled as counter-selected and badly trained professionals since their damaged self-esteem undermines their morale and hinders their taking responsibility.

TEACHERS' OPINIONS ON GYPSIES

Many teachers only see differences among Gypsies as far as their lifestyle, work ethics and consequent living standards are concerned. So work ethics and living standard have such a unique role in the human quality that they do not even define layers within the Gypsy community but very simply divide it into two parts. From one point of view, there exist the orderly ones (who can "hardly be called Gypsies") and then those who "can only blame themselves" for their own misery. This view is unacceptable.

Many teachers regard the Gypsy community as a homogenous group in every respect. This attitude signals indifference and rejection. There are also teachers who are aware of and respect the many-sided culture that exists within the Gypsy community and consider it right to protect the local and regional culture.

Education in a Gypsy language and the education of the Gypsy culture cannot be conducted against the will of teachers. Many teachers do not find these innovations impossible at all. Still, rejection and hostile opinions are also expressed.

Some teachers who reject the idea of establishing "Gypsy classes" argue that "teachers would break down if they had to teach Gypsy-only classes"(!). Others suspect that Gypsy people and their political leaders would not allow it to happen, however favorable it otherwise would be. Those supporting segregation often argue that it would bring about the opportunity to organize special coaching programmes and a more intensive education for Gypsy children. Unfortunately, the educational policy concerning national and ethnic minorities comprises the potential danger of making it possible to establish segregated Gypsy classes because it is not forbidden to establish German, Slovakian or Romanian classes either. As in the case of Gypsy children who need special coaching - in contrast with other minorities in Hungary - it is necessary to set the objective of enhancing their social integration based on equality, it is not only discriminative but also professionally per definitionem unacceptable to separate Gypsy children from their peers in an organized form.

The teaching of the language (minority language) is a delicate issue. The representatives of the majority society still feel that providing such extra service for minorities would mean that Hungarians deprived themselves from something. Those rejecting the education of the Gypsy language mostly and rationally argue that it is not the mother tongue of the Gypsy people (i.e. of those living in their region or in Hungary) and they should also learn it as a foreign language. Some people consider the Gypsy language (as such) to be unnecessary. Others fear that Gypsies would regard such a measure as discriminative and would protest against it. Their arguments only slightly differ from those of the Gypsies who do not wish to make their intimate, family language public. The difference is in the power relationships, since obviously, the self-imposed isolation of a minority builds walls similarly to segregation. Still, the segregation initiated by the majority is more dangerous, as a power position is attached to it. It is necessary to protest against views of this type: "They have their own clubs, they should maintain their culture there if they wish. And if they want to speak their Gypsy language, let them speak it at home and teach it to their children at home. They live in Hungary and they are supposed to learn the school subjects in Hungarian here."

People's views being so varied is natural and may be accepted, but it is impossible to tolerate over-generalization, simplification and especially rejection!

GYPSY PUPILS AT SCHOOL

This is how a successful teacher characterized the way of behavior to be followed: "Their personalities should never be hurt and one should not behave in an official way. I always approach them in a positive manner. A friendly and convincing tone of voice and sincerity - this is the only way to achieve results with them."

Teachers who think like this have discovered the right behavior which educational psychologists recommend when establishing the teacher-pupil relationship, in an empirical way. Gypsy pupils, who are defenseless in school (and in the society) to an even larger extent crave the above-described way of behavior more obviously than the average pupils.

A deeper understanding and sincere interest in their lives are necessary for dealing efficiently with Gypsy pupils. "We do not know Gypsies well enough. Teachers are afraid of the many Gypsies because they do not know them. Gypsies are also afraid, they are distrustful, and they fear everybody. But it is not so difficult to deal with them. The only thing is, you should not reject their invitation and kindness."

In some schools it is a problem that within certain Gypsy communities, whose members are more bound by traditions than the rest of the society, family means extended family and this extended family tends to react to all real and imaginary offences against their children with such sensitivity that seems unusual to members of the majority society. If they experience any such offence, they join forces and want to take remedy. The Gypsy community's right to define the role of the family and that of the child within the family ought not to be questioned. On the other hand, it is necessary for them and the school to jointly determine the locally valid forms of making contact and thus establish an optimal relationship.

In the interest of starting new projects, the following respects of co-operation have to be emphasized:

  • openness, sincerity and respect towards different children of different attitudes in order to gain their support

  • taking interest in and learning about the culture of the local Gypsies

  • the necessity of teachers taking the initiative

  • respecting that family often means extended family (as opposed to Hungarian nuclear families)

  • respecting that Gypsy families are overly concerned about their children

  • the necessity that schools and families should jointly determine the locally valid forms of making contact

SOURCES OF CONFLICT

Here we list a few of the major sources of conflicts without the intention of providing a complete inventory. By settling these conflicts, the relationship between the school and the Gypsy pupils will become less problematical and there will be a greater chance of success. The settlement of these conflicts involves making mutual concessions.

THE MAIN CONFLICTS BETWEEN SCHOOLS AND FAMILIES
Schools' objectives and expectations

(the image schools create of themselves) The interpretation of these by the Gypsies
(the image that the Gypsies create of the alien culture)

  1. Aims concerning teaching and education
    The operation of schools is based on social consent as far as the objectives, values, standards etc. are concerned the operation of schools is based on law and order the school forces, punishes and retaliates Children (pupils) are prepared for their adult lives at school children's "real lives" are happening here and now, outside the school
    Schools offer better chances in life through the education they provide schools teach pupils how to read, write and count
    Schools determine what the knowledge necessary to acquire consists of Children (families) have the right to decide what knowledge they want to attain
    Schools evaluate and assess pupils
    by giving marks schools evaluate and assess pupils
    by appraisal and scolding

  2. School activity takes priority during school time
    the school takes priority during school time the family and the community take priority at any time
    Families are responsible for sending their children to school prepared for the lessons schools are responsible for preparing children in a way that families determine
    Schools take the task of educating children away from families only families and the community are responsible for the education of children

  3. "Hungarian" schools and Gypsy families
    at school and in the teacher-pupil relationship pupils are always regarded as "children" children only remain real children until pre-puberty
    Emotions are not essential in school work schools can only be accepted if there is a close personal and emotional contact between teachers and children
    Conflicts at school happen between teachers and pupils or pupils and pupils Real conflicts at school happen between Gypsy and gádzsó (black and white) groups
    Parents are not supposed to visit the school during teaching time Parents (families and the community) are obliged to protect children at school, too
    Schools take children away from their families The only natural place for children is within the family and the community

Being absent from school for two or three days - it may have different reasons, e.g. they need to be present at family occasions (weddings, funerals, christenings, etc.), their parents need to travel, there is a pig killing, a harvest, a fair, a religious village festival, etc. The school ought to accept that children are absent on occasion, considering their reasons.

Getting undressed before a PE lesson or at the doctor's - in many Gypsy communities prudery is stronger than what we are used to, showing close resemblance to the traditional culture of the peasantry. Not only is it so among girls but also among boys. It is important to find the ways and rules that do not hurt anybody's sensitivity (e.g. by allowing them to participate in PE lessons wearing tracksuits).

Avoiding participation in out-of-curricular school activities - one of the reasons for this may be solicitude: families accept that children are safe within the walls of the school but fear that teachers cannot look after them outdoors. If teachers are unable to convince parents that their children are safe, they ought to give them exemption from the participation in these activities.

Conflicts of ethnic character - especially in an atmosphere of mutual distrust, "normal" or "average" conflicts between teachers and pupils or pupils among themselves may seem to have an ethnic character. These conflicts have their own background and progress and the process of them taking on an ethnic character has to be halted in time.

Report book notes - teachers should try to avoid sending parents written messages as, unfortunately, parents are often illiterate or functional illiterate. Sometimes even those who can cope with reading block capitals cannot read teachers' handwriting.

Appraisal and school result - it is important to seize every opportunity to praise a child's performance, behavior, appearance and manners. However, it has to be taken into consideration that families may not be able to interpret the differences between the general appraisal and school marks correctly. It always has to be emphasized if the appraisal is not given for school results.

Too early marriages constitute a source of conflicts that is not easy to handle. However, we can observe a tendency of the age of getting married to increase among the Gypsies as well. There prevails an opinion among teachers that a too early marriage is the consequence of earlier sexual maturity or moral decay (cohabitation without legal marriage). They are not aware of the real reason, which is the following: the given community (culture) considers their young to be ready to start a family sooner. It is not a biological specification (either inherited or "racial") but a socially determined characteristic. Schools cannot do anything against early marriages (or Gypsies' starting a family) in the short run. The increasing value of schooling may bring about some results in the long run.

The treatment of these conflicts will be more successful if members of the Gypsy ethnic group are employed in the school, either as teachers or as members of the technical staff, who could mediate between the school and the Gypsy community.

AGE- AND GENDER-RELATED ASPECTS OF THE BEHAVIOR AT SCHOOL

Many people claim that the endeavor to accomplish primary education is primarily motivated by the necessity to obtain a school certificate: it is a prerequisite for vocational training, but its primary attraction is that it is necessary to obtain for getting a driving license. It is probably an exaggeration but this motivating factor is worth taking notice of because it can be attractive, or at least openly recognizable and declarable especially among teenage boys. Girls find obtaining a certificate of a trade listed in the Országos Képzési Jegyzék (National Register of Training) attractive. The trades that they are mostly interested in concern family care, housework and household jobs and have recently been recognized as trades. These are of little value in the labor market, though.

Very often, these are the only reasons for families to support attending courses where it is possible to obtain a trade certificate, as children often have duties within the family, which are considered more important than attending school. The one of primary importance is looking after the younger siblings, which is a typical female job.

It is generally observed that the younger children of families are less frequently absent from school, at least not a lot more often than their Hungarian classmates. It is a very important achievement because in many Gypsy communities, the members of the parents' generation had to be "gathered" and "directed" to school by force and by using threats and punishments daily.

Absenteeism and a loss of interest in school matters become conspicuous and start hindering the successful studying of pupils over the age of 12 or 13.

Gypsy children - as well as children of other minorities that live in traditional communities where the European type of schooling does not have an important role - start becoming estranged from school at this age.

The traditional differences are present in the education within the family: girls are educated for the family, boys are educated for the world. Girls are educated to become mothers and consequently they are restricted in their freedom of movement. They are not allowed to fully develop their personalities and abilities. Boys are educated freely to become independent and earn their living at quite an early age.

In the Gypsy communities that preserve traditions, the age- and gender-related differences are greater than usual.

THE EFFECTS OF FAMILY EDUCATION ON THE BEHAVIOR AT SCHOOL

Despite all the heterogeneity of the Gypsy community, the style of education within the family and its results are similar:

  • small children are kind, jolly and helpful

  • there are great similarities in the latent or openly preserved traditions which declare children mature enough to take responsibility in family matters from the early teenage years on

  • the equivalently delicate internal and external social situation of the ethnic group causes maturing children to have an enhanced sense of danger, which results in their readiness to protect themselves and as a consequence, in aggression

Many teachers think that the fact that Gypsy pupils are less successful at school than it could be expected is primarily due to their lacking sense of duty, which is something that characterizes the Gypsy ethnic group in the eyes of many people. The deterministic factors of their living conditions and traditions are also added to this, which teachers may regard as extenuating circumstances.

The sense of duty can be very well developed within this group of children but it refers to family, common family work, the upkeep of the family and not to the school.

Members of ethnic minorities very often regard their families as the only community that serves to inspire and strengthen their positive self-esteem. In such groups the fact that women are supposed to become mothers and housewives and take on the cohesive function has to be emphasized even more strongly, which attitude is paradoxically justified by the outside threats and the pressures of assimilation.

As a consequence of the conservation of the traditional family relations, boys become "macho". Many teachers describe the first signs of this as indecency, aggression and gallantry. In addition, society generally underestimates and disparages the members of minority groups (e.g. by providing little chance of advancement for them). Thus a very important factor of a man's identity becomes insecure, namely their sense of being the strong ones. In many cases men react to this by showing aggression against the physically weaker ones.

The connection between these issues and the warmth of the family atmosphere is that Gypsy children have a very strong sense of emotional security. The most important way to improve the co-operation between schools and Gypsy families and children should be to create a warm, highly emotional atmosphere at school, too. More opportunities should be offered for the emotional binding to take organized forms (e.g. by inviting the families to the school more frequently). Children have to be accepted the way they are. Teachers need to make sure that their sensitivity is not hurt, especially during the early teenage years. They need and should be offered special care and attention and a more evident expression of emotions than average pupils.

Children who are used to a warm family atmosphere want the school to offer them the same. Because of their ethnic sensitivity and vulnerability (which is often empirically based), teachers should always respect their feelings and work hard to increase their sense of security.

TEACHER TRAINING

Gypsy children's specific problems are not taken into consideration by The National Core Curriculum, the Unified Requirements of Teacher Training, the efforts to established a unified system of teacher training or the unconsidered and haphazard system of specialist examinations. Legally, there are also contradictions between the right to protect one's language and inherited culture and the duty to organize coaching programmes to help children fulfill school requirements. It is a mere illusion that teachers can be expected to take on a behavior contrary to their stereotypes and prejudices or aim at the objectives of certain not yet outlined laws or campaigns.

Taking this into consideration, teacher training needs to be modified to a certain degree. Similarly to the practice of several countries, learning tolerant behavior and the ability to communicate with members of other age groups belonging to other cultures ought to have an important part in the training. Teachers ought to take part in modern personality assessment training programmes of standards that comply with those of the turn of the millennium. These programmes should deal with fear, racism and xenophobia. It is impossible to start a real conversation without this change since our aim is that racism should be punished and "shy racism" should be regarded as something to be ashamed of and ignominious in the eyes of all civilized people.

A lot of foreign and a few Hungarian examples prove that it is not sufficient to "enlighten" teachers or teach them about the Gypsy/Romani culture as their feelings, anger, stereotypes and body language will hardly change. These courses are certainly useful as a couple of lucky foreign examples prove this fact. It happens unexpectedly often that a participant at a certain course understands it all at once, and knows how to deal with things from the next day on. Still, these cases are only exceptional.

According to other foreign experiments, prejudice decreases in direct proportion to the increase of the frequency of contacts - but segregation and openly aggressive processes are stronger all over the world (Aronson 1975, Allport 1977).

GENERAL SUGGESTIONS

Here we make some general suggestions in the spirit of the above principles. (These suggestions are put forward on the basis of the recommendations of the European Council.) These suggestions are not in close connection with the descriptions above but it would be possible to satisfy certain needs presented above by carrying them out.

If, in any school, parents express their wish that the Gypsy language and culture should be taught, these have to be used in school education. (As a regional language and a regional culture, they have to be respected in the same way as any minority language and culture.) The lack of written materials or a trained teacher cannot be the obstacle to language teaching.

At universities and colleges (irrespective of the students' major subjects, specialization and the type of their studies) and at other training programmes, teacher trainees and teachers ought to be offered the chance to have courses and seminars dealing with the Gypsy/Romani culture as soon as it is possible. It is a necessary constituent of a European type of education and of professional intelligence but this kind of training cannot substitute for the participation at personality assessment training programmes or in guided fieldwork.

It is of primary importance that proper connections should be established between families and schools. Parents' co-operation has to be encouraged and they have to be assisted in recognising and accepting the importance of the knowledge that can be obtained at schools and the fact that this knowledge is considered to be of great use within the society.

In schools with a large number of Gypsy pupils, there ought to be some adults belonging to the Gypsy ethnic group among the staff members, who can mediate between the school and the families.

When introducing projects offering any kind of vocational training, it has to be examined whether the given vocation can help Gypsies to maintain and extend the scope of the economic activity in a way that is acceptable for them.

The local Gypsy community ought to be involved in the outlining and implementation of every new educational programme.

Discussions, organized ways of passing on the experience that has been gathered, professional debates on the problems and a search for finding the solutions together.

SUMMARY

My study is based on the research, the experiments and the experience of teaching individuals and groups of two decades. I have seen several similar and different examples of empiricism and theories in different countries. Each of them knew about - and in one way or another also used - the publications written by my co-authors and myself. In 1998, we consider these conclusions and suggestions to be the most important points concerning the near future and the introduction of new projects. In many cases we have experienced that project work has its advantages as well as serious disadvantages. Besides starting to work with Gypsy children, specialists' study trips, in the course of which they have visited each other, have been of great importance. Both teachers and pupils from the successful schools that I know have been abroad several times and these trips have proved to be useful. The World Bank and PHARE projects - not referring to higher education now - provide a lot of experience to exploit. Taking all for's and against's into consideration, I think that when inviting applications for grants and when carrying on with them, not only the earlier mentioned guidelines but also the opinions of the leading local specialists and the traditions and experience of the given country have to be considered carefully.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

  • Allemann-Ghionda, C.: 1995 Managing Cultural and Linguistic Plurality in West-European Education. Obstacles, Patterns and Innovations. European Journal of Intercultural Studies, 2.

  • Allport, G. W.: 1975 The Nature of Prejudice

  • Aronson, E: 1993 The Social Animal

  • Costarelli, S.: 1993 Children of Minorities. Gypsies. UNICEF: International Child

  • Forray R. Katalin - Hegedus T. András: 1998 The Socialization of Gypsy Children. Aula, Budapest

  • Forray R. Katalin: 1997 The Main Conflicts Between Schools and Gypsy Families. Kritika, 7.

  • Hegedus T. András: 1993a The Relationship of Gypsies and Schools. Iskolavezetés, Raabe, Budapest

  • Hegedus T. András: 1993b Can Gypsy Children Be Motivated? Educatio, 2.

  • Kemény István: 1996 Roma and the School. Educatio 1.

  • Liégeois, J-P. - Gheorghe, N.: Roma in Europe, Pralipe, 1997. 4.

  • Somlai Péter: 1998 Children of the Changeover. Hungarian Quarterly, Vol. 39. 150.

 

 

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