Introduction. The data of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees indicate a considerable number of refugees from Kazakhstan residing in Russia. In 1997 this number constituted 54,800(1). The analysis of the internal situation in Kazakhstan implies that the majority of these people come from the Russian-speaking population of Kazakhstan.

In order to reveal the motives of leaving Kazakhstan, one must have in mind several factors. In late 1991 the Soviet Union broke down, and the independent state of Kazakhstan emerged. The Russian-speaking population of this country, for whom Kazakhstan has been part of their homeland (the Soviet Union), suddenly appeared to live in a country where Russian nationality was no longer considered the main. Naturally, many of these people started associating their expectations with Russia rather than Kazakhstan. Related issues may have been language, culture, religion.

The issue of language seems to have been of considerable importance. The post-Soviet policies in the country have aimed at strengthening the positions of Kazakh at the expense of Russian. This has been done in spite of the fact that for the majority of Kazakhstan's population Kazakh is not the lingua franca.

Statistical data. In the country Kazakhs constitute 44 percent of all the population, Russians - 36 percent, other nationalities - about 20 precent. Russian remains the prevailing language of instruction (e.g. in 1991 Kazakh was the language of instruction for only 17.6 percent of the students at institutions of higher education and 34.4 percent of the students at general secondary schools)(2). Russian is a popular working language in official institutions as well as a language of communication. In 1992 only 2 percent of Russians and 40 percent of ethnic Kazakhs claimed to be fluent in Kazakh. According to 1994 data from the State Committee on Languages, out of 55,008 state organizations of the republic, only 16.6 percent used both Kazakh and Russian languages, while 70.3 percent used only Russian, and out of 223 regions of the republic, 131 work using only Russian(3).

Language policy. The language law adopted in July 1997, in accordance with Article 7 of the Constitution of Kazakhstan declares Kazakh the only state language. Though the status of Russian has been raised from "language of interethnic communication" into "an official language for the use in the state sphere", no authoritative explanation about the meaning of this formula has been given. Furthermore, since 1995 there is a requirement that in no less than 15 years all the state employees must know Kazakh(4). Despite the demands of the Russian-speakers to recognize Russian as a second state language, the Parliament had refused to discuss this question.

Article 41 of the Kazakhstan's Constitution obliges the President of the Republic to speak Kazakh fluently and Article 58 sets the same requirement for the Parliament members(5).

Although Article 14 of the Kazakhstan's Constitution guarantees that noone is subject to any kind of discrimination on the basis of language or ethnic origin, the factual situation appears to be more problematic. Many Russian-speakers of the country claim that the pro-Kazakh policies of the government disregard their rights. Article 33 of the same Constitution, guaranteeing the "right of access to government offices", states that "the requirements for candidates for government offices are conditioned only by the character of office duties and are established by law". According to the newly adopted laws, inability to speak Kazakh may lead to certain inconveniences, e.g. prevent from obtaining a leading job position. Such policy can also be seen in the light of the aspiration to achieve a greater number of Kazakhs fluent in their own language. For example, the Kazakh-speaking Kazakhs have supported the regulations to bar Kazakhs, but not other nationalities, from certain jobs if they do not speak the state language.

Russian-speaking people feel discriminated for not knowing Kazakh. Kazakhstan's government, however, claims that a requirement to know a certain language for occupying certain positions, especially those requiring communication in different languages, cannot be considered discriminatory, for this is a professional requirement.

Language policy in Kazakhstan is part of the general policy strategy of the ruling elite, therefore it should be considered in a more general context. Preferential treatment by the country's government of Kazakh culture and language can be seen in the light of the aspiration to secure the language and culture of the indigenous Kazakh population and compensate for russification during the Soviet period. As a justification of present language policies it has been pointed out that ethnic Russians do not strive to learn Kazakh and the Kazakhs are compelled to learn Russian (this being seen as unfair to Kazakhs)(3). This is first of all related to education. The quality of education in Russian and career prospects for those who had graduated from Russian-based schools and institutes were considerably better, and this may have influenced the decreasing usage of the Kazakh language. Still considerably more children and students are brought up and study in Russian than in Kazakh. The teaching of Kazakh language is quite ineffective, mainly because of economic problems. Nevertheless, Russians have claimed that lecturers who teach in Kazakh were paid 15-20 percent more than those who instructed in Russian(6).

Often it is not the language policy alone that harms the Russian-speaking population, but combined with economic and social policies. The isolation of the Russian-speaking population and blocking their access to privatization by the post-Communist national elites can be seen in the light of fear that any open and rapid privatization would place much of the industrial sector in the hands of Russians because of the ethnic composition of industrial personnel and because their educational background, their place in the economy and their links to Russia make it much easier for them to adapt to the emerging market conditions. This fear is stimulated by the view that Russian-speakers may be less loyal to the state or even become instruments of Russian pressure.

The nationalist political context has strengthened hostile anti-Russian stereotypes among the Kazakh population. According to the data of a 1993 sociological survey in Almaty, 55 percent of the Russians had encountered nationality-based hostility on public transport, while 40 percent had had similar experiences in everyday contacts. Meanwhile, 30 percent of the Kazakhs believed that the cause of their difficulties was the presence in the country of citizens of another nationality(3).

Social and psychological stereotypes is not the only reason for the increase of emigration from Kazakhstan, but the worsening of the economic situation in the republic as well. However, many of the Russian-speakers have their "roots" in Kazakhstan, they have lived in there for many generations, were born and raised there and have little or no connection with Russia as their "historical motherland". These people favour remaining in Kazakhstan. For example, in 1993, 40 percent of Russians in Kazakhstan did not want to leave the republic(4).

Kazakhstan's future foreign policy may also influence the internal policy affecting the Russian-speaking population. The fears of Russia as a neighbour that could potentially occupy the country, moderated by the protection Russia could provide in the possible expansion by Uzbekistan or China might also be influential to whether language problems will stimulate conflict in the future(7).

Elite struggle and the issue of language. After the emergence of the independent state of Kazakhstan, the ruling elite of the country has pursued nationalistically-oriented policies. There have been opinions that the issue of language might be used by the ruling elite in political struggle with alternative (opposing) elites, which are mainly Russian-speaking. The ruling nationalist elite is trying to prevent Russian-speakers from occupying key positions in politics or economy, by seeking to isolate the Russian-speaking population and block their access to privatization as much as possible. Such policy influences the fact that 57 percent of Kazakhstan's population (a non-Kazakh) have fewer chances to climb the social ladder than the remaining 43 percent (indigenous Kazakhs)(8).

Meanwhile, as Shoumikhin notices, the indigenous Kazakh population tends to be less educated and reside in rural areas, whereas those living in cities are primarily Russian-speaking who "graduated from Russian schools and are spiritually integrated into Russian and European culture"(9). The rural Kazakhs regard them as "russified" or "mancurts" (i.e. persons who have lost their cultural roots). According to Shoumikhin, one-third to two-thirds of Kazakhs do not know their native language. Russian-speakers dominate industry, construction, the medical sector, science amd education. Consequently, the Kazakhs "are trying to compensate for their small number and civilizational and economic backwardness (as compared to other settled agricultural and urbanized peoples of Kazakhstan) through bureaucratic domination in government institutions"(6).

While pursuing its policies and strengthening its positions, the ruling elite tends to disregard the norms of fair and democratic political competition. For example, there have been cases when different versions of the same speech of president Nazarbayev were published in Kazakh and Russian. The press is controlled by the government, and this way many statements of Nazarbayev published in Kazakh remain unknown to the Russian-speaking population.

Conclusions. The facts mentioned above indicate that the issue is much wider than that of language. The post-Soviet political realities favoured the emergence of the independent state of Kazakhstan and fostered nationalistically-oriented policies of its ruling elite, based on promoting the Kazakh language and culture at the expense of the Russian one. These policies made the Russian-speaking population, constituting the majority in the country, lose their social, economic and political positions in the country. The laws, especially those providing for restrictions on the basis of the knowledge of language, served these policies, which the Russian-speakers considered unfair and violating their rights. These laws were perceived in the context of the general policy strategy of Kazakhstan's government. Cultural differences, economic difficulties, the sharpened issues of ethnicity, language and citizenship, strengthened anti-Russian stereotypes among the Kazakh population, created unfavourable atmosphere for the Russian-speakers in Kazakhstan. In this situation many Russian-speakers made a decision to move from Kazakhstan to Russia, with which they associated their cultural, economic, as well as career expectations.

1. http://www.unhcr.ch

2. Human Development Report (1995, Kazakstan, chapter 1)

3. http://www.cpss.org/casiabk/chap11.txt

4. http://www.bsos.umd.edu/cidcm/mar/kazruss.htm

5. http://www.president.kz/Articles/state.asp?lng=ru

6. http://www.cpss.org/casiabk/chap12.txt

7. http://www.cpss.org/casianw/perca0897.txt

8. Report of the Kazakstan - American Bureau on Human Rights and the Rule of Law, The Human Rights Situation in Kazakstan in 1996.

9. http://www.cpss.org/casianw/perca1297.txt